Where Germany’s Immigration Debate Hits Home
The leafy market square, ringed by Middle Eastern restaurants in a quiet city where nearly half the residents have immigrant backgrounds, seems like the last place that would spur Germany’s latest explosive wave of nationalist backlash.
But it was in Mannheim where prosecutors say an Afghan man stabbed six people in May at an anti-Islamist rally, killing an officer who had intervened. No motive has yet been determined. But the death and the fact that the man accused had his asylum claim denied years ago set off calls for the expulsion of some refugees. Such sentiments were once viewed as messaging mostly reserved for the far right.
That this could occur in Mannheim, a diverse community of over 300,000 people known for its sensible plotting along a grid as a “city of squares,” has rattled Germany. It has been particularly painful for the longtime Muslim population of the city, where, according to some estimates, nearly one in five people are of Turkish descent.
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This Soccer Player Wanted to Wear Her Hijab on the Field. France Wouldn’t Let Her.
During Ramadan, as her family fasted and prayed, Lina Boussaha, a professional soccer player, eagerly tore open a package in her bedroom in France. Inside were two head scarves she had ordered, labeled Nike, and marketed as a symbol of empowerment for Muslim women in sports.
Ms. Boussaha, 25, turned pro when she was 17. Her parents are Algerian, she grew up in one of Paris’s poorest suburbs, and until that Ramadan, in 2022, had never worn a hijab outside prayers. She usually wore her heavy curls in a high ponytail.
But she had recently decided she wanted to wear a hijab regularly, even during games. And that decision put her on a journey that eventually took her from France to start her career anew in the Middle East.
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Middle East Crisis: Gaza City Neighborhood Left in Ruins After Israeli Withdrawal
Residents returning to a Gaza City neighborhood describe a swath of destruction.
Residents and rescue workers say they found dozens of bodies and most buildings reduced to ruins when they returned to the Shajaiye neighborhood in Gaza City after Israeli troops pulled out this week, having fought an intense two-week battle against Hamas militants there.
The offensive in Shajaiye was part of a wider Israeli effort to clamp down on a renewed Hamas insurgency in Gaza City, where Israel’s military has reported fierce battles with armed fighters.
Palestinians returning to Shajaiye, after heeding a call by Israel to evacuate, said the neighborhood was so devastated it was uninhabitable.
“The current situation in Shajaiye today is tragic,” said Ahmed Sidu, a photographer, who went back to his home as soon as he heard that Israeli forces had pulled out.
“There was only misery on people’s faces,” he added, referring to others who returned and found “no shelter and no water.”
Palestinian Civil Defense emergency services agency said in a statement on Thursday night that their emergency and rescue crews had recovered more than 60 bodies from Shajaiye after the Israeli military withdrawal.
The statement added that dozens of people remain missing and were feared to be buried under the rubble. The raid had destroyed most of the buildings and homes that were left standing after Israel’s initial invasion in October, it said. The death toll could not be independently confirmed.
“The Shajaiye area has become an uninhabitable area, lacking all necessities of life,” the organization said in a statement.
The Israeli military reported this week that it had concluded its operation in Shajaiye, though on Friday said it did not confirm that its troops had pulled out of the neighborhood.
The military had announced the operation in Shajaiye more than two weeks ago, along with evacuation orders that the U.N. office of humanitarian affairs said had pushed 60,000 to 80,000 people from areas east and northeast of Gaza City. It later expanded its ground operations and issued warnings to evacuate to other parts of the city.
On Friday, the military said that among the fighters killed in the operation was the deputy commander of Hamas’s Shajaiye Battalion, Ayman Showadeh. Israeli officials said Mr. Showadeh was previously “a key operative” at Hamas’s operation headquarters and was involved in directing the Oct. 7 Hamas-led attack that set off the war in Gaza.
Karam Hassan, a Gaza City resident who went to Shajaiye to see the aftermath of the raid, said that families who had hoped to return to their residences found themselves having to stay in shelters and displacement centers because nothing was left of their homes.
“Homes are all reduced to piles of rubble, bakeries, and shops are destroyed and even the streets have been dug up,” Mr. Hassan said. “The situation is very tough and the scale of destruction is immense.”
Mr. Sidu, the photographer, said he was among the few whose home, on the outskirts of Shajaiye, had suffered little damage, but he added he was still not sure he could stay there because all of the infrastructure had been destroyed. “How do we live without basic necessities and without water?” he said.
“There may be a relative calm now in terms of aircraft and artillery shelling,” Mr. Sidu said. “But residents were now facing “a severe shortage of potable water, internet and communications networks and were suffering emotionally.”
He said that some people whose buildings and houses were destroyed had set up tents near the rubble and were determined to stay and “create a kind of familiarity and neighborhood atmosphere that binds them together.”
Israeli forces have returned to clear out Hamas fighters in several parts of Gaza that they had previously secured, especially in the north, as Hamas has regrouped amid the anarchy of the nine-month war.
This week, the Israeli military was operating in other parts of Gaza City, including the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood, where Israeli forces stormed a vacated United Nations compound, and the southern outskirts of the upscale Al-Rimal neighborhood.
Palestinian Civil Defense said on Friday that their crews began recovering bodies from Tal Al-Hawa and the Al-Sinaa neighborhoods, as they said the Israeli forces appeared to be leaving those areas as well. At least 60 corpses had been recovered, the organization said.
The Israeli military did not confirm its forces were also pulling out of those areas.
The military in a statement that Israeli forces had raided “a Hamas combat complex embedded inside a compound previously used by UNRWA,” the main United Nations agency that assists Palestinians in the area. Troops were “engaged in close-quarters combat” with militants who had “fortified themselves inside,” the statement said.
A spokeswoman for UNRWA, Juliette Touma, confirmed that the facility had been evacuated in October when the war started and that the agency had “no way to verify” the Israeli claims. The agency has “repeatedly called for independent investigations and queries into these allegations and any violation of international humanitarian law,” she said.
Rawan Sheikh Ahmad contributed reporting.
Key Developments
People in Gaza City talk about why they won’t flee, and other news.
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Few people in Gaza City appeared to be heeding an Israeli warning that laid out four “safe corridors” for them to flee south. In interviews, people in the city said they had decided to stay in their homes or in places where they have been sheltering — including relatives’ homes, hospitals and schools — because they feared the potential dangers from Israeli forces on the evacuation routes and because they believed areas to the south were no safer.
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The Israeli military acknowledged wide-ranging failures that allowed Hamas-led militants to commit a massacre in the Israeli border village of Be’eri during the Oct. 7 attacks. The findings came as part of a broader military inquiry into the attack that also exonerated a general who authorized a tank to fire on a house in Be’eri where Hamas fighters were holding hostages.
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The Biden administration will soon permanently shut down the troubled $230 million temporary pier that the U.S. military built to rush humanitarian aid to Gaza, American officials said on Thursday. Maj. Gen. Patrick S. Ryder, the Pentagon press secretary, said the latest effort to re-anchor the pier had failed because of “technical and weather-related issues,” recurring problems that The New York Times highlighted last month.
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Israel’s government plans to extend mandatory military service for conscripts, the Israeli newspaper Ha’aretz reported on Friday. The legislation would extend military service by four months, from 32 to 36 months, and is expected to be advanced in Israel’s Parliament on Sunday. The move comes shortly after Israel’s Supreme Court ordered the government to start drafting ultra-Orthodox men long exempted from military service, and reflects the heightened needs of a military fighting an extensive war in Gaza and engaged in protracted hostilities with Hezbollah in Lebanon.
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United States forces destroyed three drones in a Houthi-controlled area of Yemen, U.S. Central Command said on Friday, adding that they “presented an imminent threat to U.S. coalition forces, and merchant vessels in the region.” The Houthis, an Iran-backed rebel group that has been attacking commercial ships in alliance with Hamas fighters in Gaza, said in a statement on Friday that they targeted a single ship twice, in the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab Strait.
Biden and his top aides see hopeful signs in Gaza cease-fire talks.
Some American officials have grown more optimistic that a deal to release Israeli hostages held in Gaza in return for a cease-fire is at hand. But people briefed on the talks say it will be days until it is clear whether a breakthrough has been achieved because of difficulties in communication between Hamas officials in Qatar and the group’s leaders in Gaza.
Other officials said that previous moments of hope about an agreement had been dashed by both the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, and Hamas. In Washington, the White House national security adviser, Jake Sullivan, reflected both the optimism and the caution, noting that many details still needed to be hammered out to secure a deal.
“There’s still miles to go before we close if we are able to close,” Mr. Sullivan told reporters on Thursday. “So I don’t want to say that it’s immediately around the corner, but it does not have to be far out in the distance if everyone comes in this with the will to get it done.”
Later on Thursday, President Biden also expressed guarded optimism about the direction of negotiations during a news conference closing a NATO conference in Washington, D.C. “There’s still gaps to close, but we’re making progress,” the president said. “The trend is positive. I’m determined to get this deal done and bring an end to this war which should end now.”
Earlier this week, the Mr. Biden dispatched his top aide for Middle East affairs, Brett McGurk, to Israel for discussions with the government there, while William J. Burns, the C.I.A. director, traveled to Doha, Qatar, for talks with the Egyptian, Qatari and Israeli officials negotiating over the release of the hostages.
On Friday, Mr. McGurk led the American delegation for further talks in Cairo on the framework of a three-phase deal that is backed by the United States and the United Nations. After holding meetings with the Israeli negotiating team on Thursday, Mr. Netanyahu dispatched a delegation led by the head of Israel’s Shin Bet intelligence service to Cairo for continued discussions.
Negotiators have tried to overcome hurdles to a deal by reaching precise agreements on the exchanges of Palestinian prisoners for Israeli hostages in its first phase. At the same time they have pushed for agreement on the broader framework for subsequent phases of the deal.
The framework discussions include the two most contentious issues: whether Israel will agree to end the war, withdraw from Gaza and respect a permanent cease-fire; and whether Hamas will agree to give up control of the Gaza Strip, according to a person briefed on the negotiations.
Both Israel and Hamas remain exceptionally wary about whether the other side is truly ready to make concessions.
Husam Badran, a senior Hamas official, said his group had shown “great flexibility” in discussions with mediators, especially in making language changes, but had held firm to its demand that Israel agree to a permanent cease-fire.
“We’re not obstinate and rigid in negotiating,” he said in an interview in Doha. “If there are some phrases that will make the negotiations easier and lead to the same result — the end of the war — we have no problem.”
Palestinians have grown weary of the war, which has killed tens of thousands of people in Gaza. While most still blame Israel for the death and destruction, anger at Hamas — and a willingness to express that resentment — is growing.
118 member states of the United Nations pledge support for UNRWA.
The United Nations agency for Palestinian refugees appears to have weathered the crisis in funding and confidence that started when Israel accused it of employing people affiliated with Hamas, as 118 member states at the United Nations publicly declared support for the beleaguered agency on Friday.
The U.N. secretary general, António Guterres, speaking at an annual conference to raise funds for the agency, known as UNRWA, said the group had provided indispensable aid to people in the Gaza Strip, which has been devastated by more than nine months of war.
“Let me be clear,” he said. “There is no alternative to UNRWA.”
Created in 1949 after the first Arab-Israel war, the agency provides schools, health clinic, social services and aid to millions of Palestinian refugees and their descendants in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon.
Israel’s right-wing government, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, has called for the agency to be dismantled, accusing it of being complicit with Hamas, the armed group that controlled the Gaza Strip and is now at war with Israel.
More than a dozen donor countries had halted funding to the agency in January after Israel accused 12 of its employees of being involved in the Oct. 7 terrorist attacks last year. Israel later alleged that one in 10 of the agency’s 13,000 employees in Gaza was a member of Hamas or its ally, Palestinian Islamic Jihad.
The United Nations is conducting an internal investigation into the allegations, and most donors, including the United States, have since resumed providing financing.
The 118 states who pledged to support UNRWA included all the members of the powerful Security Council. The group issued a joint statement saying “that UNRWA is the backbone of all humanitarian response in Gaza, and recognizing that no organization can replace or substitute UNRWA’s capacity.”
Addressing the conference on Friday, the head of the agency, Philippe Lazzarini, said his agency had “paid a terrible price” during the war, noting that 195 staff members had been killed during the war. In addition, at least 190 of its operations, including schools to clinics, have been damaged or destroyed. He said his agency was committed to remaining neutral in the conflict between Palestinians and Israel.
Mr. Lazzarini said the show of solidarity and support of the member states came “at a critical time as UNRWA undergoes unprecedented attacks and systematic attempts to dismantle it.”
Researchers try to estimate the true toll of the war by counting ‘excess deaths.’
Gazan health officials say that more than 38,000 people have been killed in nine months of fighting between Israel and Hamas, but researchers are also studying how many people have died as an indirect result of the conflict.
Scientists say that this measurement, known as excess deaths, can provide a truer indication of the toll and scale of conflicts and other social upheaval. They say, for example, that if a person dies from a chronic illness because they are unable to get treatment in a medical facility overburdened by war, that death can be attributed to the conflict.
The question of excess deaths in Gaza was raised in a letter published last week in the medical journal The Lancet, in which three researchers attempted to estimate how many people had died or would die because of the war, on top of the deaths reported by the Gaza Health Ministry. The letter immediately generated debate, with other researchers arguing for caution in any such projection.
One reason to be careful, those researchers said, is that any estimate of excess deaths would rely on data from Gaza’s health sector, which has been devastated by the conflict. Another reason, they said, is that it is hard to predict how epidemics and hunger, two threats to human life that can be triggered by war, will evolve. And Israel has not permitted researchers to enter the enclave since the start of the war last October.
The letter in The Lancet, which said that counting indirect deaths in Gaza was “difficult but essential,” based its estimate on looking at previous studies of recent conflicts, which indicated that three to 15 times as many people died indirectly for every person who had died violently. Applying what they called a “conservative estimate of four indirect deaths per one direct death,” the authors wrote that it was “not implausible” to estimate that about 186,000 deaths could eventually be attributable to the conflict in Gaza.
The letter, which The Lancet said had not been peer-reviewed, as is the case with other letters it publishes, provoked a significant response. The Board of Deputies of British Jews, which represents the Jewish community in Britain, said that the estimate was “little more than conjecture.”
Col. Elad Goren, an official with COGAT, the arm of the Israeli military that implements policy in Gaza, sidestepped a question about excess deaths.
Salim Yusuf, a cardiologist and epidemiologist in Canada who co-wrote the letter, said in an email that the estimate was based on studies of past conflicts and acknowledged that, “inevitably, these are projections.” “The point is that the real numbers of dead will be very large,” he said.
Michael Spagat, a professor of economics at Royal Holloway College at the University of London, who has written about the toll of the war in Gaza, wrote in an analysis that the letter “lacks a solid foundation and is implausible.” He argued that the authors had compared Gaza with a small and unrepresentative sample of other conflicts, and that conditions in Gaza, a small territory under intense international attention, are unique.
In an interview, Mr. Spagat cited other reasons to be cautious when discussing excess deaths in Gaza. He said that fears of major outbreaks of infectious diseases such as cholera have yet to materialize and that, although humanitarian agencies are warning of catastrophic levels of hunger, there is little evidence of widespread deaths because of starvation.
Still, Mr. Spagat said that it was “fair to call attention to the fact that not all of the deaths are going to be direct violent ones.”
The letter in The Lancet is not the first effort to quantify the human toll in Gaza beyond the figures reported by Gazan health authorities.
In February, epidemiologists at Johns Hopkins University and the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine produced a model showing three different war scenarios affecting overall deaths in Gaza. They projected that if fighting and humanitarian access remained at the same levels, there could be an additional 58,260 deaths in the six months from March through August. Around 9,000 deaths have been directly attributed to the war since then by Gaza’s health ministry.
The health ministry says that more than 38,000 people have died in Gaza since Oct. 7, when Hamas, which controls the territory, led an attack on Israel in which 1,200 people were killed. While the ministry’s tally is broadly accepted, there remain questions about its methodologies and record keeping, as well as contradictions between its statements and underlying data. Most civilian victims, the ministry says, are women and children. But the figures do not distinguish between civilians and combatants.
The subject of excess deaths is sensitive because it touches on the collateral cost of Israel’s war against Hamas. On top of the large death toll, the attacks have damaged hospitals and shelters. Aid officials say that Israel has also restricted access to the fuel that medical facilities need to operate. Israeli officials say they do all they can to spare civilians, but blame Hamas for placing its forces in urban centers and civilian facilities. They have also said that aid agencies’ logistical difficulties, rather than Israeli restrictions, are to blame for the limited amount of humanitarian aid that is getting to Gazans.
Before the war, Gaza’s health sector produced reliable data, which helps in modeling excess deaths, but lack of access to Gaza for researchers makes the task more difficult, according to Zeina Jamaluddine, an epidemiologist at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine.
Gabby Sobelman contributed reporting.
Rescued Hostage Describes Months of Uncertainty and Terror in Gaza
Idling away the hours in a darkened room in Gaza with two other hostages, Andrey Kozlov sometimes heard one of his captors on the other side of the door typing away on a laptop.
The man was a constant presence in the apartment, while other guards worked shifts and went out to the market, Mr. Kozlov said in an interview, from a hotel room in a Tel Aviv suburb a month after his rescue from captivity.
The guards were unmasked, but they were careful not to reveal their names, telling the hostages to call them all Muhammad.
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How Can Europe Reduce Its Military Dependency on the United States?
Even the European members of NATO say that they must do more to defend themselves as the war in Ukraine grinds on and the United States shifts its priorities to Asia and a rising China.
The possibility that former President Donald J. Trump will return to the White House heightens the concern, given his repeated threat to withdraw collective defense from countries that don’t pay their way in the alliance.
In fact, European member states have made considerable progress in the last few years to restore more credibility to deterrence against Russia. But they began from a low base, having cut military spending sharply after the collapse of the Soviet Union and reacting with complacency to Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014.
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In Brazil, Early Wildfires Break Records — and Raise Alarm
Brazil is still weeks away from its traditional fire season, but hundreds of blazes, fanned by searing temperatures, are already laying waste to the Pantanal, the world’s largest tropical wetlands, and to parts of the Amazon rainforest.
Scientists say the burning of such vast swaths of land may represent a new normal under rising global temperatures and uneven rain, making efforts to save some of the world’s most important ecosystems much harder.
There were more wildfires in Brazil’s share of the Pantanal, an enormous trove of biodiversity stretching across three countries, between January and June of this year than during the same period in any other year, according to the National Institute for Space Research, which has been tracking fires in Brazil since 1998.
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Hamas Official: ‘We’re Not Obstinate’ in Cease-Fire Talks on Gaza
For nearly two decades, Hamas has been in charge of governing Gaza, overseeing its border crossings, schools and hospitals.
But after nine months of a ruinous war with Israel, the militant group is now expressing readiness to give up civilian governance in Gaza, albeit without dismantling its military wing.
The overture by Hamas, while most likely a nonstarter for Israel, is meant to signal to the international community Hamas’s apparent readiness to make some concessions to enable the rebuilding of Gaza. It also arrives against the backdrop of ongoing cease-fire negotiations, in which Hamas has shown some flexibility on the language in a proposed deal.
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A Wedding Puts India’s Gilded Age on Lavish Display
The younger son of Mukesh Ambani, India’s richest man, is set to wed his fiancée in Mumbai on Friday, the finale of a monthslong extravaganza that signaled the arrival of the unapologetic Indian billionaire on the global stage — and introduced the world to the country’s Gilded Age.
For much of the year, the festivities surrounding the nuptials of Anant Ambani and Radhika Merchant, the daughter of a fellow business tycoon, have grabbed eyeballs for their lavish displays of wealth. Millions have been spent on diamonds and emeralds the size of credit cards, on haute couture saris, on wedding invitations made of silver and gold.
Billionaire businessmen, Bollywood stars, models and politicians were among the more than 1,200 guests at a pre-wedding bash in March. Bill Gates stopped by. Rihanna performed. In May, the bride and groom-to-be threw a four-day party on a luxury cruise ship in the Mediterranean; Ms. Merchant told Vogue India they couldn’t find a land venue big enough to host all their guests.
Jay Gatsby would have been awed.
The spectacle has served as an invitation to peek inside India’s uppermost echelons, where a few individuals and families have amassed astounding fortunes in recent years. Buoyed by booming growth and a cheerleading government, the number and wealth of Indian billionaires has soared. They are overlords of the Indian economy, running the phone networks that connect millions of people, the hospitals that treat them, the supermarkets where they shop and the high-rises in which many live.
A lot of money, in the hands of the few.
In 2000, India had nine billionaires, according to Oxfam. Now, India has 200 billionaires, who collectively hold around $1 trillion in wealth, according to Forbes — nearly a quarter of the country’s 2023 gross domestic product.
Their dizzying rise is stark in a land where many live below or just around the poverty line, mirroring the extreme inequality of America’s Gilded Age, when robber barons flaunted their jewels amid extreme destitution.
Kavil Ramachandran, a professor of entrepreneurship at the Indian School of Business, said there were more billionaires with fatter wallets because India has sustained a high growth rate for more than two decades. That’s created a deep domestic market for goods and services, and pushed Indian companies to pursue new businesses, pairing opportunity with ambition.
“It’s a consequence of rapid growth and entrepreneurialism,” Mr. Ramachandran said.
In 2002, Radhakishan Damani spotted the opportunity for an Indian supermarket and launched his first store in Powai, a suburb of Mumbai. More than two decades later, his company Avenue Supermarts runs one of the country’s most popular supermarket chains, DMart. Mr. Damani, who has a net worth of $17 billion, is sometimes called India’s “retail king.”
A recent study about wealth and inequality in India subtitled “The Rise of the Billionaire Raj” found that the total wealth of billionaires has steadily increased from under 5 percent of national income in the 1990s to more than a fifth in 2022.
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A False Prediction: Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s slim election victory has forced India to reflect on how fawning coverage may have obscured a wave of opposition.
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General Elections: Modi won a third term as India’s prime minister, the election was closer than expected, forcing him to rely on coalition partners that don’t share his Hindu nationalist agenda.
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Delhi’s Parched Slums: A heat wave has left water in short supply across India’s capital region. The poorest are left to crowd around tankers to get whatever they can.
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Foreign Investors: Stock markets in Mumbai have surged as big global investors hope India can become a source of growth. It won’t be so easy.
“All of this suggests that at least the very rich seem to be doing very well in recent years,” the authors wrote.
India’s opening set off breakneck growth.
India has come a long way from its socialist origins. Until 1990, the country operated under strict government supervision and protectionist policies. Companies could only run after procuring multiple permits and licenses from the government, leading to the name “License Raj” — a play on the term British Raj, which referred to colonial rule.
Once India opened up its economy after a series of reforms, some domestic companies embraced the logic of free markets while remaining family-run and tightly controlled, diversifying into new businesses.
In the 2000s, India’s software and services boom — for a time, the country was nicknamed the world’s “back office” — created a slew of new billionaires. Azim Premji successfully transformed Wipro from a hydrogenated cooking fat company into an IT giant, becoming one of India’s first tech billionaires. Fellow tech billionaire Nandan Nilekani co-founded Infosys and helped create Aadhar, a unique identification system for Indian citizens that is somewhat similar to a Social Security card.
Gautam Adani, whose conglomerate the Adani Group is India’s biggest ports operator, has ridden the country’s shipping, infrastructure and energy boom to build a net worth of more than $80 billion.
Mr. Adani’s rise has matched that of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, with whom he shares close ties and whose ambitions for India have unleashed a construction frenzy. Everywhere, there are new bridges, highways, tunnels and high-speed rail tracks — and Mr. Adani’s company is at the center of many of them.
The Ambanis are the first family of Indian capitalism.
Mr. Ambani, whose $115 billion fortune also makes him Asia’s richest man, has long sat atop India’s explosive growth in wealth. Reliance Industries, the giant conglomerate founded by his father that is the source of much of his family’s fortune, has sometimes served as a proxy for India’s economic rise.
Its businesses include one of the world’s largest oil refineries, India’s biggest mobile phone network, television and entertainment ventures and a popular chain of grocery stores.
Many Indians see in Mr. Ambani’s staggering rise in stature and wealth a version of the India they want: a country that doesn’t make a play for attention but demands it. Some even feel pride that his son’s wedding has attracted such global attention. To them, India’s poverty is a predictable fact, such opulence is not.
“Based on the level of the Ambanis’ wealth, the wedding is perfect,” said Mani Mohan Parmar, a 64-year-old resident from Mumbai.
“Even the common man here in India spends more than his capacity on a wedding,” Ms. Parmar said. “So it’s nothing too much if we talk about Ambani. He has so much money due to God’s grace, so why shouldn’t he spend it by his choice?”
The Ambani family’s wealth and influence are so unquestioned that even the use of public resources to aid his private festivities can be a source of pride. In March, the pre-wedding function they hosted in Jamnagar, a town in the western state of Gujarat where Reliance’s oil refinery is based, threatened to overwhelm the town’s small domestic airport.
With hundreds of private jets carrying guests hovering in the air, India’s top civil aviation body and its air force stepped in to help Dhananjay Singh, the airport’s director, manage the air traffic.
“Although it was a demanding period with little sleep, the effort was well worth it,” Mr. Singh wrote on his LinkedIn profile.
Some question the showy displays of wealth.
Rashmi Venkatesan, who teaches human rights law and popular culture at the National Law School of India University, found the “consciously explicit public nature” of the Ambani wedding peculiar.
To Ms. Venkatesan, the celebration was about more than the wealthy getting wealthier; she was bothered by what she called the “valorization” of this kind of wealth.
It’s not just the mind-boggling rise of billionaire wealth that is new, but also the way that wealth has created a new kind of royalty in a country well acquainted with maharajahs.
Like yesteryear’s royal families, today’s billionaires are increasingly keeping their wealth within their class — either through dynastic succession or by marriage. Each of Mr. Ambani’s three children are heading up three different lines of the Reliance business.
In 2018, Mr. Ambani’s daughter Isha married Anand Piramal, the son of the billionaire Ajay Piramal, who runs one of India’s pharmaceutical giants. On Friday, his son Anant is marrying Radhika, the 29-year-old daughter of Viren and Shaila Merchant, the multimillionaire founders of a health care company on whose board she sits.
Sadiba Hasan contributed reporting from Mumbai.
Court Grants Party of Imprisoned Former Leader More Seats in Pakistan’s Parliament
Pakistan’s top court ruled on Friday that the party of former prime minister Imran Khan should receive 23 additional seats in Parliament, a decision that is expected to deepen the political turmoil that has embroiled the country since Mr. Khan was ousted from power two years ago.
The ruling strips the governing coalition, led by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, of its two-thirds majority in Parliament, weakening his already fragile government and emboldening the opposition led by Mr. Khan’s party.
Mr. Sharif’s government came to power five months ago after general elections that were marred by allegations that the country’s powerful military had rigged dozens of races and tipped the scales against Mr. Khan’s party. Pakistan’s generals, who have long been seen as an invisible hand guiding the nation’s politics, have been at odds with Mr. Khan since he was ousted from power in 2022.
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