The Guardian 2024-09-02 12:18:23


Israel is braced for its first nationwide general strike since the Hamas attacks of 7 October, amid widespread public anger at the government’s handling of the war in Gaza after the discovery of the bodies of six hostages at the weekend.

Israel’s largest trade union, Histadrut, ordered a nationwide general strike from 6am on Monday that is expected to bring large parts of the economy to a halt. Government and municipal offices were due to close, as well as schools and many private businesses. Israel’s international airport, Ben Gurion, is due to shut down at 8am local time (0600 BST) for an unknown period.

Histadrut chair Arnon Bar-David said in a statement: “I have come to the conclusion that only our intervention can shake those who need to be shaken.

“A deal is not progressing due to political considerations and this is unacceptable.”

The mayors of Tel Aviv and nearby Givatayim announced that the municipalities would be striking on Monday to demand the return of the hostages, and more are expected to follow suit.

The action comes after tens of thousands of Israelis took to the streets on Sunday night, cutting off the Ayalon highway, the motorway running through the heart of Tel Aviv and lighting fires in the streets. A few dozen police officers tried to contain the protest but were unable to push it back.

The union called the strike after campaign group the Hostages and Missing Families Forum backed the idea in order to force the government to reach a deal for the return of the remaining hostages taken during Hamas’ attacks on 7 October. Israel’s opposition leader, Yair Lapid, also supported the move.

Israel braced for nationwide strike amid anger at handling of Gaza hostage talks

Schools and businesses to close as largest trade union Histadrut calls strike over hostage deal inaction, saying ‘only our intervention can shake those who need to be shaken’

  • See all our Israel-Gaza war coverage

Israel is braced for its first nationwide general strike since the Hamas attacks of 7 October, amid widespread public anger at the government’s handling of the war in Gaza after the discovery of the bodies of six hostages at the weekend.

Israel’s largest trade union, Histadrut, ordered a nationwide general strike from 6am on Monday that is expected to bring large parts of the economy to a halt. Government and municipal offices were due to close, as well as schools and many private businesses. Israel’s international airport, Ben Gurion, is due to shut down at 8am local time (0600 BST) for an unknown period.

Histadrut chair Arnon Bar-David said in a statement: “I have come to the conclusion that only our intervention can shake those who need to be shaken.

“A deal is not progressing due to political considerations and this is unacceptable.”

The mayors of Tel Aviv and nearby Givatayim announced that the municipalities would be striking on Monday to demand the return of the hostages, and more are expected to follow suit.

The action comes after tens of thousands of Israelis took to the streets on Sunday night, cutting off the Ayalon highway, the motorway running through the heart of Tel Aviv and lighting fires in the streets. A few dozen police officers tried to contain the protest but were unable to push it back.

The union called the strike after campaign group the Hostages and Missing Families Forum backed the idea in order to force the government to reach a deal for the return of the remaining hostages taken during Hamas’ attacks on 7 October. Israel’s opposition leader, Yair Lapid, also supported the move.

“Were it not for the delays, sabotage and excuses” in months of mediation efforts, the six hostages “would likely still be alive”, a statement from the group said, referring to the discovery of Carmel Gat, Hersh Goldberg-Polin, Eden Yerushalmi, Alexander Lobanov, Almog Sarusi and Ori Danino in tunnels “dozens of metres” underground during fighting in Rafah, southern Ga za.

The strike will mean Tel Aviv airport, the only major route in and out of the country, will be closed. It could also affect hospitals and other public services, costing the economy millions of shekels.

On Sunday, Israeli media reported the attorney general Gali Baharav-Miara had instructed prosecutors to seek an injunction against the strike. Israel’s far-right finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, wrote to the attorney general on Sunday seeking an injunction, arguing that it would harm the economy and had no legal basis as its main aim was to influence government policy on state security.

The Histadrut union has not taken such drastic action since March 2023, when Netanyahu tried to fire defence minister Yoav Gallant over his opposition to the government’s controversial judicial overhaul plans.

Military spokesperson Daniel Hagari said all six hostages “were abducted alive on the morning of 7 October” and “brutally murdered by Hamas terrorists shortly before we reached them”.

However, the findings pointing to Hamas executions did little to deflect widespread fury towards Benjamin Netanyahu and his rightwing coalition for failing to agree a US-backed hostages-for-peace deal with Hamas, which has been on the negotiating table since late May. The longtime Israeli leader has been repeatedly accused of stalling on a ceasefire deal for his own political gain.

On Sunday, Netanyahu asked hostage Lobanov’s parents for “forgiveness for not succeeding in bringing Sasha back alive”.

Some analysts said the public outcry over the six hostages who died could signal a new level of political pressure on Netanyahu. “I think this is an earthquake. This isn’t just one more step in the war,” said Nomi Bar-Yaacov, associate fellow in the International Security Program at Chatham House, shortly before Sunday’s protests.

US President Joe Biden said he was “devastated and outraged” by the hostage deaths, but told reporters he was “still optimistic” a deal could be reached.

With Agence France-Presse and Associated Press

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Analysis

Hostage deaths could pile pressure on Netanyahu to agree Gaza ceasefire

Bethan McKernan Jerusalem correspondent

Discovery of six bodies may trigger renewed protests as anger grows over prime minister’s handling of the crisis

Overnight, the rumours spread: the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) had found bodies in Gaza. Everyone in Israel knew the corpses were likely to be hostages seized on 7 October. The grim details – how many, their identities, and how and when they died – slowly emerged during the early hours of Sunday, to mounting sorrow and fury across the country.

The bodies of six people kidnapped alive by Hamas – Carmel Gat, Eden Yerushalmi, Hersh Goldberg-Polin, Alexander Lobanov, Almog Sarusi and Master Sgt Ori Danino – were found in a Rafah tunnel 20 metres underground, a kilometre away from where another hostage, Qaid Farhan Alkadi, was found in relatively decent health last week. Goldberg-Polin, an Israeli-American citizen, appeared in a Hamas video in April. It was clear from the footage that his left hand had been amputated.

Initial autopsies indicated that all six had died from shots to the head and had otherwise been in frail but stable condition, the Israeli daily Haaretz reported. The IDF said it believed the hostages were killed on Friday or Saturday, shortly before troops arrived at the location, to prevent their rescue.

It is too early to tell yet, but anger at their deaths could be the spark that reinvigorates the protest movement in Israel calling for a ceasefire and hostage release deal, as well as calls for new elections aimed at toppling the rightwing government of the prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. The longtime Israeli leader has been repeatedly accused of stalling on a ceasefire deal for his own political gain.

After something of a summer lull, this Saturday night’s protests across Israel for a ceasefire and hostage deal drew larger numbers than recent weeks. Demonstrators were already galvanised by the recovery two weeks ago of the bodies of another six hostages, five of whom were previously known to be dead, and the stalling ceasefire talks. Public support for a deal remains high.

The last cabinet meeting on Thursday reportedly ended in a shouting match between the prime minister and his defence minister, Yoav Gallant, after the assembled ministers doubled down on Netanyahu’s demand that Israel must retain control of the Gaza-Egypt border, a big sticking point in ceasefire talks.

Einav Zangauker, whose 24-year-old son, Matan, is being held captive, accused Netanyahu of “murdering” the hostages still in Gaza. “He’s decided to sentence them to death. He’s decided to give them up. He’s decided to bury them in the rubble of his politics. He is committing a crime against his own people,” she told the crowd in Tel Aviv before the news of the most recent deaths broke.

The Hostages and Missing Families Forum issued a statement calling on the public to prepare for widespread protests on Sunday. “Starting tomorrow, the country will shake … The abandonment is over,” it said.

On Sunday, hundreds of people gathered outside the prime minister’s office in Jerusalem, protesting in favour of a deal, and mass rallies are expected across the country in the evening. Strikes are also on the cards, the first such large-scale action so far of the 11-month-old war.

The mayors of Tel Aviv and nearby Givatayim announced that the municipalities would be striking on Monday to demand the return of the hostages, and more are expected to follow suit.

The Histadrut, Israel’s biggest trade union, has declared a general strike from 6am on Monday after calls from the families of hostages and Israel’s opposition leader, Yair Lapid.

This action from the labour movement is decisive – it will mean Tel Aviv airport, the only major route in and out of the country, will be closed, and could also affect hospitals and other public services, costing the economy millions of shekels.

The Histadrut has not taken such drastic action since March 2023, when Netanyahu tried to fire Gallant over his opposition to the government’s controversial judicial overhaul plans. It worked: Netanyahu was forced to reverse his decision, and the proposed changes to the judiciary were delayed until the Knesset’s summer session.

Economic pressure was employed successfully against Netanyahu last year, but since 7 October the prime minister has become more desperate than ever to cling to power. If the protesters’ goal is to bring down his government, change will still need to come from within. Netanyahu’s coalition has a majority of four seats; five members of the government would have to desert their leader in order to force new elections.

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German far-right party AfD poised for state election victory in east

Alternative für Deutschland leader speaks of ‘historic success’ of top place in Thuringia and second in Saxony

A far-right party became the biggest force in a German state parliament for the first time since the second world war, preliminary results showed on Sunday, while a new populist force on the left established a firm foothold in the country’s political landscape.

Voters in two closely watched elections in the former communist east made their dissatisfaction with Germany’s mainstream political parties clear, putting the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) party in the top spot in Thuringia, with 32.8% of the vote, and second place in Saxony, with 30.6%, according to preliminary results.

Chancellor Olaf Scholz called the results “bitter” and urged mainstream parties in the states to form governments without “right-wing extremists”.

“The results for the AfD in Saxony and Thuringia are worrying,” Scholz said in a statement to Reuters, adding that he was talking as a lawmaker for his centre-left Social Democrats (SPD). “Our country cannot and must not get used to this. The AfD is damaging Germany. It is weakening the economy, dividing society and ruining our country’s reputation.”

But he noted that the most dire predictions, that the SPD might fall out of a state parliament for the first time, had not materialised.

Alice Weidel, the AfD’s co-leader, said: “It is a historic success for us. It is the first time we have become the strongest force in a state election. It is a requiem for this coalition [in Berlin].”

The 11-year-old AfD clinched its first mayoral and district government posts last year, but has never joined a state government. The remaining, democratic parties have vowed to maintain a “firewall” of opposition to working with the AfD, keeping it out of power.

The results in Saxony and Thuringia proved disastrous for the three ruling parties in Scholz’s centre-left-led federal government, each scoring single-digit percentage shares of the vote in both states one year before Germany holds its next general election.

Although the outcome had been predicted for months, the centrist parties proved unable to reverse the trend and the results sent shockwaves through the political landscape. Turnout in both states was high, at about 74%.

The leftwing but socially conservative Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW), named after its firebrand leader, found that its calls for higher taxes on the rich, a tougher line on immigration and asylum and an end to military support for Ukraine struck a deep chord in the east.

As no party won an absolute majority, the eight-month-old BSW could prove key in talks on forming a government in both states, as it drew 11.8% in Saxony and 15.8% in Thuringia, according to the provisional results.

Wagenknecht told reporters it was the “first time in the history of the republic” that a party had performed so well in state elections on its first try. “That’s something one can be proud of,” she said.

The conservative opposition Christian Democratic Union party (CDU), which is leading in the national polls, appeared on course to win in Saxony as it did five years ago with about 32%, putting wind in the sails of its national leader, Friedrich Merz, who aims to challenge Scholz in the national election.

In Thuringia, it came in second behind the AfD, with 23.6%, and may be able to hammer out an ideologically awkward ruling alliance with smaller parties, including Wagenknecht’s.

Merz has said the CDU will never work with the extremists, but has moved his party steadily rightward, particularly in its rhetoric on immigration, since Angela Merkel left power in 2021.

Many eastern voters say they are increasingly disillusioned with mainstream politics more than three decades after national reunification, with the lingering impact of structural decline, depopulation and lagging economic performance compounding a sense that they are still second-class citizens.

“The AfD has built up a core base [in the east] that now votes for it out of conviction, not just owing to frustration with the other parties,” said Prof André Brodocz, a political scientist at the University of Erfurt in Thuringia.

The anti-migration, anti-Islam AfD spent the last week of its campaign hammering home the message that the government is “failing” its citizens, while harnessing shock and outrage over the deadly mass stabbing in the western city of Solingen, allegedly by a Syrian rejected asylum seeker.

The party, whose Saxony and Thuringia chapters have been classed as rightwing extremist by security authorities, could still come in first in Brandenburg, the rural state surrounding Berlin, which will vote on 22 September, polls suggest.

Its co-leader in Thuringia, Björn Höcke, has repeatedly used banned Nazi slogans at his rallies and called for an “about-face” in Germany’s culture of Holocaust remembrance and atonement.

His aim was to achieve a blocking minority of one-third of the votes in Thuringia, where the Nazis first won power in a German state government in 1930 before consolidating control in Berlin three years later. Final results due by early Monday will show if he was successful.

At a rally in Erfurt days before the election, Höcke told a cheering crowd that he and the AfD were the only ones standing in the way of the “cartel parties” working to “replace the German people” with a “multicultural society” under a “totalitarian dictatorship”.

Given the fractured results handed back by voters, coalition-building in both states could prove tricky.

The BSW’s rise was described as a “gamechanger” by Brodocz, underlining the rejection of the established political parties while offering frustrated easterners an alternative to the AfD, which many see as too radical.

Wagenknecht, already gearing up for the 2025 federal elections, has suggested that she would drive up the price for joining any coalition, demanding “diplomacy” toward Russia while railing against a recent decision to allow the US to deploy long-range missiles in Germany from 2026.

Scholz’s coalition of the centre-left Social Democrats, the ecologist Greens and the liberal Free Democrats was already on the back foot and each of the parties had reason to dread Sunday’s election night results.

Riven by ideological differences and personal rivalries, the government has stumbled in recent months in realising its main policy initiatives, including kickstarting the moribund economy and getting more electric vehicles on German roads. The Greens’ co-leader, Omid Nouripour, recently described the coalition in Berlin as a “transitional government” in the period after Merkel’s 16 years in power.

On Sunday, Nouripour gave a sobering assessment of the election results, saying the breakthrough for the far right “causes many people very deep concern and fear”.

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Björn Höcke at the AfD conference in Essen in June. Photograph: Imago/Alamy

As leader of the AfD’s most radical faction, he is infamous in Germany and his critics have long accused him of using language that echoes the Nazis. This year, a court put that question to the test

By Alex Dziadosz

Björn Höcke, a former history teacher who has become arguably Germany’s most successful far-right politician since the second world war, has the sort of piercing, deep-set eyes that, depending on your perspective, can either give you the impression that he is wrestling with weighty matters of life and fate, or thinking up elaborate ways to kill you – a philosopher-statesman’s eyes, or, as the comedian John Oliver recently called them, “Nazi eyes.”

Höcke, 52, is not like other figures in German politics. In a country where politicians often deploy dullness as a prophylactic against charges of demagoguery, Höcke gleefully takes a different tack. In his speeches, he thunders against a familiar cast of the far-right’s villains – immigrants, Islamists, European Union bureaucrats – but he also veers into an anecdotal, lachrymose style so distinctive that even one of Höcke’s closest colleagues told me he used to find it “strange”. His rhetoric of decline and redemption – he has told Germans they must choose between being sheep or wolves, and urged them to be the latter – has garnered comparisons to Joseph Goebbels, whose speeches many political analysts assume he has studied. To his critics, Höcke is one of the gravest threats to Germany’s postwar democracy since it was established. More than any other person, he is responsible for the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) party’s metamorphosis from a Eurosceptic, economically liberal movement into a nativist, anti-Islam, climate-denialist party. In 2020, Thomas Haldenwang, the head of Germany’s domestic intelligence service, was asked whether Höcke was a rightwing extremist. “Björn Höcke is the rightwing extremist,” he replied.

In the late 2010s, when I was living in Thuringia, the central German state where Höcke heads the AfD, I heard his name come up all the time. But I didn’t really understand why so many people were worked up about him until one day in May 2019, when I went to see him for myself. State elections were approaching and Höcke was due to address a rally in Apolda, a once-prosperous industrial town about a half-hour drive from the Buchenwald concentration camp memorial. Like many towns in former East Germany, Apolda bears the scars of war, deportations and communism’s collapse. Listless at the best of times, in the rainy weather the streets seemed as if they’d been emptied by a plague. In the old town square, a couple of dozen AfD supporters stood huddled by a food truck, smoking cigarettes and eating sausage. An ageing keyboard duo called Easy Tandem sang Love Is in the Air in heavy accents, occasionally muddied by the jeers of anti-fascist protesters.

Over the previous few years, Höcke had been busy. In April 2013, the same month the AfD was founded, he set up the party’s Thuringia branch and quickly positioned himself as head of a loose confederation known as The Wing. Defining itself as a “resistance movement against the further erosion of German identity”, The Wing leveraged its numbers to push the AfD far to the right. Many members also seemed eager to downplay Germany’s Nazi past. By the time I saw him in person, Höcke had weathered two attempts to expel him from the AfD, most recently over a speech in which he had decried German self-flagellation over the Nazi era. “We Germans are the only people in the world that have planted a monument of shame in the heart of their capital,” he said, referring to Berlin’s Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe. Both attempts to expel Höcke were spearheaded by AfD leaders who saw his radicalism as a liability; both times, those leaders ended up leaving the party instead.

As the band broke into Gimme Hope Jo’anna, the anti-apartheid song written by Eddy Grant – something of a surprise choice – a black sedan pulled up, and Höcke emerged, dressed in a beige raincoat, white button-up shirt, blazer and jeans. In the lashing wind, the grey coif of his hair betrayed the faintest of ruffles. For several minutes, Höcke slapped hands and posed for photos, and then leaped on to the stage. “The coldest May in 140 years,” he said. Then, with a comedian’s timing: “Strong evidence of man-made climate change.” The crowd laughed; Höcke beamed. If their numbers disappointed him, he offered no sign – he bubbled with the energy of a man addressing a roaring stadium. “Thank you for coming out,” he said. “Maybe you’ve managed to have a couple of beers, and a couple of good conversations, and made one or two new friends. That’s the point of this event: you are not alone.”

Over the next hour, I watched as, without notes, Höcke offered figure after figure to corroborate his audience’s vague suspicion that they were getting screwed: 4,000 EU bureaucrats earning salaries of more than €290,000 (“more than the German chancellor!”); €60m wasted in Thuringia each year paying inflated benefits to refugees who fake their ages. “Who gives, and who takes? We Germans, we always give,” Höcke told the crowd.

A few months later, Thuringia delivered him an unambiguous vindication. The AfD took nearly a quarter of votes, outpacing the centre-right CDU and nearly tripling the share of the centre-left Social Democrats. Far from consigning the AfD to the wilderness, Höcke had brought the party closer to real power than anywhere else in the country.

Five years on, voices critical of Höcke within the AfD – once common in German media – have dissipated. A few months after the 2022 party conference, where Höcke embarrassed the party’s co-leaders, Tino Chrupalla and Alice Weidel, by sponsoring a resolution to dissolve the EU, Der Spiegel declared him the “real boss” of the AfD. Under Höcke’s influence, the party regularly polls as the country’s second-most popular, far ahead of any parties in Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s centre-left coalition. The AfD has won a district government in Thuringia and a municipal government in neighbouring Saxony. On 1 September, elections in those two states and later in the month in Brandenburg, also in the east, could make the AfD the largest party in one or more state parliaments.

For years, Höcke’s critics have insisted he represents something much darker than a nationalist strain of conservatism. As evidence of what they see as far more radical convictions, they point to phrases, peppered throughout his speeches, in which Höcke has appeared to echo language of the Third Reich. In 2016, Andreas Kemper, a German sociologist and author, claimed to have identified more than a dozen such instances. These included calls for Germany to have a “thousand-year future” and references to internal AfD rivals as “degenerate”. Both terms are commonplace in German, but critics argue they have a different resonance when uttered by a senior figure in a party enthusiastically backed by neo-Nazis. Other examples, such as his reference to a political opponent as a “Volksverderber” (“corrupter of the people”, used by Hitler in Mein Kampf) or calling his movement the “Tat-Elite” (“action-elite”, used by the SS to describe itself), are more unusual, and harder to explain away. (Höcke did not respond to repeated requests for comment, but Torben Braga, an AfD politician who has worked with him closely, told me that the criticisms were evidence of a “pathological” obsession with tarring every rightwing conservative as a Nazi. “I don’t know anyone, not even the federal president or the federal chancellor, whose every speech is subjected to such deep analysis,” he said.)

In Germany, using Nazi slogans is not just distasteful, it is criminal. But nothing Höcke said had ever strayed into prosecutable territory, until May 2021. That month, a Green politician in Saxony-Anhalt noticed that Höcke had ended one of his speeches by saying, “Everything for our homeland, everything for Saxony-Anhalt, everything for Germany.” Innocuous taken at face value, but the last phrase was a slogan used by the Nazi SA paramilitary unit, and carved into its service daggers. The politician brought a criminal complaint, and the public prosecutor filed charges. Höcke, who denied knowing the phrase’s origins, faced up to three years in prison.

Earlier this year, ahead of the trial, Höcke declared on X that, “Once again, Germany is at the forefront of persecuting political opponents and suppressing free speech.” When Elon Musk, who had stumbled on the post, asked why using the phrase would be illegal, Höcke responded: “Because every patriot in Germany is defamed as a Nazi.” The criminal code contained provisions “not found in any other democracy”. The point, he said, was “to prevent Germany from finding itself again.”


One morning this April, I headed to the city of Halle, in Saxony-Anhalt, for the first day of Höcke’s trial. The case would concern whether he had violated Paragraph 86a of Germany’s criminal code. The law, adopted after the second world war, outlaws the “use of symbols of unconstitutional and terrorist organisations”, which courts have interpreted to apply to a range of Nazi and neo-Nazi imagery and mottoes.

The trial was held in a modernist complex built on the site of an old East German car factory. About 200 protesters were outside when I arrived, chanting and holding signs reading “Stop the AfD” and “Björn Höcke is a Nazi”. Inside, the building was drab: smudged tile floors, fluorescent lighting, walls plastered with auction notices for foreclosed homes. Höcke’s name appeared on a list of upcoming cases among instances of theft and cannabis dealing.

I was whisked, along with a substantial share of Germany’s press corps, through a metal detector, past a bomb-sniffing dog, and into a chamber of foam-board panels and linoleum so reminiscent of a suburban office that I half expected to spot a cubicle and a photocopier in the corner. A minute later, the line of photographers at the front were jolted into action as Höcke entered. His expression was grave. Three lawyers flanked him. A stack of history books was tucked under one arm.

The cameras had just a few minutes to capture the images that would fill the evening news. As with most criminal trials in Germany, photos and recordings were forbidden. The crews were ushered out, and two judges in black robes entered, alongside two lay judges in everyday clothes. (In Germany, volunteer judges perform the function of juries.) The presiding judge, Jan Stengel, had the weary manner of a man who has spent his professional life dealing with difficult people.

I had been warned that the first session would probably be dry, technical and short. But Höcke’s defence team had different plans. Before the prosecutors could read out the charges, one of Höcke’s lawyers asked that the proceedings be taped – a striking request in a country where recordings are almost never allowed. “The purpose is to ensure that the defendant receives a fair trial,” the lawyer said. As a maligned public figure, Höcke faced the risk of “meaning-distorting truncations” by hostile media.

The judge took the motion in stride, but after a recess, it was rejected. Prosecutor Benedikt Bernzen, a towering, bearded man in his early 40s, stood to address the court. “The defendant, Mr Björn Höcke – ”

“Stop!” cried a lawyer for the defence.

Most of the journalists were familiar with the stout, bald man who had interrupted. Ulrich Vosgerau had made the news a few months earlier when he had joined a meeting in Potsdam between senior AfD officials and a far-right Austrian activist to discuss the “remigration” – a euphemism for mass deportation – of migrants and naturalised Germans. News of the meeting sparked nationwide protests, but left the AfD’s polling figures largely intact.

Vosgerau proceeded to reel off a list of complaints, including a demand that the case be relocated to Merseburg, where Höcke’s speech took place, even though that request had already been denied by a higher court. He also asked to end the session early so he could make another appointment.

When Bernzen spoke again, he made no effort to conceal his annoyance. “In all my professional years, I’ve never been interrupted during an indictment,” he said. “You stepped over my words,” he told Vosgerau. “That is outrageous.”

The AfD is often portrayed as a bull in the china shop of German democracy, flouting norms and decorum in an attempt to undermine institutions of state. When, after five recesses and multiple rejected motions, the hearing finally concluded, it seemed clear that Höcke’s team were not afraid to be seen in the same light. By the time I got back to Berlin, headlines across the country were declaring: “Grotesque appearance in Halle: How Björn Höcke tried to slow down his trial” and “Höcke in court: Bizarre and disturbing.”


It is in East Germany that Höcke has built his base. His success comes from his ability to articulate the frustrations and anxieties widely felt in a region where faith in institutions has been shaken by the loss of jobs and pensions, the implosion of an ideological system once portrayed as incontestable, and perceived discrimination at the hands of an arrogant west. Above all, Höcke has channelled these resentments towards migrants and asylum seekers, whom he portrays as free-riders soaking up taxpayer money. But he himself is a child of west Germany, and he was born, ironically enough, to a family of refugees.

Before the defeat of the Nazis, Germany’s borders stretched as far east as modern Lithuania. In the war’s final convulsions, the advancing Red Army expelled millions of Germans from the country’s eastern provinces, which were soon made part of Poland. Integrating the Vertriebene, or “expellees”, was among postwar Germany’s most severe challenges. They struggled to find housing in bombed-out cities. Food and jobs were always scarce. Their dialects, though intelligible, fell oddly on west German ears. “They didn’t have a different skin colour and they didn’t come from a different country, but ultimately they were just as much refugees,” says Karsten Polke-Majewski, who went to high school with Höcke and later researched him for the weekly newspaper, Die Zeit.

Höcke’s grandparents, who had lived in a hamlet in the former province of East Prussia, were among them. They eventually settled outside Neuwied, a town of about 30,000 people about 60 miles from the border with Belgium. Growing up in West Germany, Höcke would lie in bed beside his grandparents as they told him stories from their lost “homeland”. The images left a deep impression. “They presented it so vividly that I could really feel it,” Höcke said in a 2015 interview. “It certainly nourished a lasting political interest.”

German media has found evidence Höcke may have been exposed to more radical views. According to Die Zeit, Höcke’s father’s name appeared on the subscriber list for Die Bauernschaft, a newspaper published through the 1970s and 80s by Thies Christophersen, a prominent Holocaust denier. Höcke’s father also signed a petition in solidarity with a Christian Democrat kicked out of the party for suspected antisemitism in 2004. Polke-Majewski told me that his interviews with neighbours, acquaintances and town notables led him to believe the family remained fairly isolated in Neuwied.

After studying history and athletics at university, Höcke took a job teaching at the Martin Buber school in a small town south of Frankfurt. Housed in what Höcke called an “unsightly 70s-era concrete building”, the school, named after the Jewish philosopher and theologian, didn’t always have a shining reputation. One of Höcke’s former students, André Alexander Kiefer, told me that knives and drugs were common. Many students were from migrant families, and small “gangs” often formed along ethnic lines. White Germans turned to metal or far-right rock scenes. “You always had both sides of violent people in that city,” Kiefer told me.

Höcke started his job in 2001, when the hard-right was still on the political margins. At 29, with blond hair and an athletic build, he struck an energetic contrast to his older colleagues. But students soon discovered a conservative streak. “The students – many with a migrant background – were not receptive to my educational concerns, including the transmission of German and European cultural traditions,” he said in his book, Never Twice in the Same River, published in the form of an interview with the rightwing journalist Sebastian Hennig. Though he said he stayed on good terms with most students “regardless of their social or ethnic background”, he looked sceptically upon colleagues who “dreamed the dream of a multicultural society and sang the high song of so-called ‘diversity’”.

In the book, Höcke tells the story of how, one summer, students started wearing T-shirts with the names of countries printed on them. “Turkey”, “Russia”, and “Italy” shirts were everywhere. Then one morning, a girl showed up in Höcke’s gym class wearing a “Germany” shirt. “The Turkish and African boys were beside themselves,” claimed Höcke. “These otherwise divided Turks and Africans spontaneously agreed in their aggressive rejection of ‘Germanness’.” The next day, Höcke showed up in his own “Germany” shirt, which, to his delight, inspired a couple students to do the same.

What Höcke took from his experience was that “humans need a great deal of trust in our everyday interactions, and this is only possible if we can rely on a familiar, safe environment and established customs”. Here was the “great mistake of the multiculturalists”. They didn’t actually take cultures seriously, and instead tried to reduce them to “a bit of exotic folklore and varied gastronomy”. Chaos inevitably followed. “As nice and cosmopolitan as they may seem, at their core, multicultural entities are societies of pure mistrust,” Höcke said. “They automatically create countless frictions and conflicts – even without any bad intentions on the part of the people involved. And that is sold to us as a sunny future.”

This message was one he would repeat regularly, with varying degrees of virulence, during his swift rise from obscurity to the heart of German politics.


In 2008, when Höcke was 36, he moved to Bornhagen, a town in Thuringia. At the time, he was teaching at a school a 20-minute drive away, across the old east-west border, in the central state of Hesse. His commute traversed one of the sharpest divides in German society: Thuringia had Germany’s second-lowest gross regional product per capita; Hesse, its third highest. Hesse’s largest city, Frankfurt, is known as a financial hub, home to Germany’s Bundesbank and the European Central Bank. Thuringia, by contrast, would soon be known for the National Socialist Underground, a terrorist group that murdered nine immigrants and a police officer during the first part of the decade.

In the years before his move to Thuringia, there is almost no public record of Höcke’s political views, but in 2018, Die Zeit uncovered compelling evidence that he was in contact with far-right circles during this period. The newspaper reported that Höcke was assisted in his move to Bornhagen by Thorsten Heise, an activist in the neo-Nazi National Democratic party (NDP). Neighbours told the paper that Heise, who lived nearby, visited Höcke regularly. More damningly, a video surfaced showing Höcke chanting during a neo-Nazi march in Dresden on the anniversary of the city’s bombing in 2010. (Braga, the AfD politician, told German media that Höcke had merely gone to get an “impression” of the event.)

Kemper, the sociologist, has alleged that Höcke went further, by authoring several articles in publications run by Heise under the name “Landolf Ladig”. The articles, published in 2011 and 2012, argued that the world wars were started by foreign powers jealous of German “industry” and praised NDP economic policies aimed at “overcoming inhumane global capitalism” and encouraging the births of more “German children”. Some of the language in these articles was strikingly similar to phrases that later appeared in Höcke’s speeches, including particular descriptions of Bornhagen and the recommendation of a book that both “Ladig” and Höcke referred to by the same wrong name. In 2019, Germany’s domestic intelligence agency said it was “almost indisputable” that Höcke wrote the articles. (Höcke has denied this, but has not taken legal action against Kemper over the claim.)

If there was once a time when Höcke needed underground outlets to express his views, that changed in 2013 with the establishment of the AfD. Founded in response to the eurozone debt crisis, the party took its name from former Chancellor Angela Merkel’s assertion that there was “no alternative” to bailouts for southern Europe. Höcke set up the party’s Thuringian branch and won office in state elections in autumn 2014. In March the following year, he burst into national consciousness when he co-authored the “Erfurt declaration”, which decried the AfD’s direction under its co-founder, Bernd Lucke, and laid the foundations for what would become The Wing.

Höcke’s activism did not endear him to the more moderate members of the AfD, which was roughly split between economic liberals and those of a more nationalist bent. In May 2015, Lucke tried to have Höcke booted from the party after Höcke told journalists that he didn’t “assume that every single member of the NPD” – the neo-Nazi party to which Heise belonged – “can be classified as extremist”. At the party congress in July, however, Lucke was voted out in favour of a new leader, the hardliner Frauke Petry, and the proceedings against Höcke were soon dropped. (When I contacted Lucke, he told me he had spoken about Höcke enough and had “better things to do than constantly repeat himself”.)

The experience did not push Höcke to soften his tone. In November 2015, he appeared at an event hosted by a thinktank run by Götz Kubitschek, a prominent rightwing publisher and intellectual. In his speech, Höcke outlined what he called the different “reproductive strategies” of Africans and Europeans. While Africans “aimed at achieving the highest possible growth rate” and migrating to other regions, Europeans did pretty much the opposite, having fewer babies and making “optimal use” of their environment. The collision of these two “strategies” necessitated “a fundamental reassessment of the direction of Germany’s asylum and immigration policy”. A little over a year later, in Dresden’s historic Watzke ballroom, he delivered what would become his most infamous speech. Dismissing Germany’s policy of Holocaust remembrance as a “stupid coping mechanism”, he claimed Germans possessed “the mentality of a totally vanquished people”. He called for a “180-degree turn in the politics of remembrance”, in favour of an approach that “brings us into contact with the great achievements of those who came before us”.

The Dresden speech prompted a second attempt to boot Höcke out of the AfD, this time led by his erstwhile ally, Frauke Petry, who called him a “burden on the party”. The party’s federal board declared that he had an “excessive proximity to National Socialism”. Despite the heavier guns brought to bear, Höcke was spared expulsion once again. In May 2018, after more than a year of internal party wrangling, the arbitration board of the AfD’s Thuringia branch rejected the federal party’s request to start the process of removing Höcke. By then, Petry, like Lucke before her, had left the AfD.

The episode bolstered Höcke’s growing reputation as the real power behind Thuringia’s AfD. Madeleine Henfling, a Green politician and vice-president of Thuringia’s parliament, told me that Höcke appeared to exert tight control over the local branch of his party. “Dissenters either quickly resign or are made to leave,” she told me. She pointed to a recent dispute between Höcke and a local AfD lawmaker, Karlheinz Frosch, over a candidate list for district elections. Displeased with Frosch, Höcke drew up a separate list, called the Alternative for the District, to run against him. Frosch left the AfD soon after, complaining that: “For the rightwing extremist part of the party, Höcke is like a Godfather.” (When I met Braga, the AfD politician close to Höcke, he dismissed these characterisations as way off the mark. “A boss, a chairman, is sometimes someone who might hit the table and say, ‘No, we’re going to do it the way I think it’s right and the discussion is over.’ Mr Höcke is not such a leader. He leads by moderating and connecting,” he told me.)

In March 2020, a few months after the AfD’s strong performance in Thuringia’s state elections, Germany’s domestic intelligence agency said it was placing The Wing under surveillance. The decision, unprecedented in the country’s modern history, was justified in a 436-page report, which referred to Höcke more than 600 times. In another setback for the AfD, the Covid-19 pandemic initially led Germans to rally around Chancellor Merkel. In the general election of 2021, the AfD lost 11 seats. Olaf Scholz, a Social Democrat, led a centre-left coalition with the Greens and market-liberal Free Democrats into power.

But this ebb in the AfD’s fortunes proved temporary. As the pandemic wore on, more Germans became receptive to conspiratorial views. (Höcke suggested the pandemic had been “staged” to prepare the way for “a new surveillance state”.) Scholz’s coalition fell into infighting and plummeting approval over policies from installations of climate-friendly heat pumps to its handling of inflation and the war in Ukraine. In September 2023, Thuringia was back in the headlines when the local CDU voted in tandem with the AfD, this time to lower property taxes. This was not the first time that the centre-right had broken the “firewall” – the principle that no mainstream party would ever lend legitimacy to the far right by co-operating with them. But this time, the backlash was relatively muted. “The ‘firewall’ is history – and Thuringia is just the beginning,” Weidel, the AfD’s national chief, wrote on X after the vote.

By the time of Höcke’s trial in May 2024, with four months to go before state elections, the AfD’s polling lead in Thuringia appeared unassailable. The CDU, perhaps mindful that they had been criticised for helping the far-right exercise power, decided to stage a televised debate between their state leader, Mario Voigt, and Höcke. Though heavily publicised, and featuring several sharp attacks on Höcke – who, at one point, professed not to remember a passage from his own book – the confrontation did not change the AfD’s popularity at state level.

In Madeleine Henfling’s view, the effort was misguided from the start. “I always say that talking to the AfD is like playing chess with a pigeon. At some point they will shit on your chessboard and knock over all the pieces,” she told me. “People always believe that fascists, that Nazis, are stupid. That’s total bullshit, of course. They have an ideology and they know exactly how to get their ideology into society. They have strategies for it.”


On the trial’s second day, the purpose of the history books Höcke had brought became clear. Höcke’s defence rested on the argument that he had not known “Everything for Germany” was a Nazi slogan. In his debate with Voigt, he claimed he’d been riffing on Donald Trump’s “America First”, which he’d combined with the title of the local AfD branch’s election manifesto – “Everything for our homeland” – to achieve an “ascending rhetorical cascade”. The books, which he’d used as a history teacher, showed why it was silly to think he should have known better: not one mentioned the slogan. “The history teacher is not a polymath,” Höcke said. He could not know every single thing that had occurred in the past. “You are a criminal lawyer,” he said, addressing the prosecutor. “What knowledge do you have of patent law?”

Höcke’s defence evoked a quandary at the heart of Germany’s militant approach to defending its postwar liberal order: where to draw the line? Many phrases, such as “Heil Hitler”, obviously fall under the scope of Paragraph 86a. Others, such as “Führer”, a common term applied to bus drivers and tour guides, and “Lebensraum”, which is widely used in ecology, do not. (One of the stranger aspects of learning German as an adult can be undoing your old associations with these terms.) Playing in the ambiguous space between these two extremes is something of a pastime for Germany’s far-right. The numbers “18” and “88” – corresponding to the letters of the alphabet, with 18 meaning “AH”, for “Adolf Hitler”, and 88 meaning “HH”, for “Heil Hitler” – are often used in neo-Nazi circles, and have been upheld by courts as legal, for instance. I’ve reported on neo-Nazi concerts where attenders wore shirts with phrases such as “12 Golden Years”, without specifying which years, and “Adolf and Eva”, without surnames attached.

In a 2019 essay, Götz Kubitschek, the rightwing publisher and intellectual, argued that rightwing movements should “provocatively push forward into the border areas of what is just about sayable and doable” to create linguistic “bridgeheads”. They could then pursue a tactic of “interlocking”, whereby one would “advance, capture a few positions, and create an unclear situation” to prevent “enemy artillery” from firing. Linguistically, this meant “quoting and referring to speakers from the establishment who have said the same thing before, or at least something similar”. The final step was Selbstverharmlosung – a term meaning “self-trivialisation” – to “tear down the ‘emotional barrier’” built and “lovingly maintained” by the old elites against political alternatives. (Kubitschek did not answer my emails seeking comment.)

It is easy to suspect that Höcke, a longtime friend of Kubitschek, is playing precisely this game. Yet proving it is almost impossible. The prosecution in Halle took a swing at it all the same. Under cross-examination, Höcke was asked about some of his past statements. His use of words such as “Volksverderber” and “Tat-Elite” suggested he had “quite detailed historical knowledge of the vocabulary in the Third Reich”, did it not? Höcke responded that the terms were also used in the 19th century, for whose “flowery language” he had a soft spot. Be that as it may, could he really have missed the case of Ulrich Oehme, an AfD member in Saxony who had been investigated for using “Everything for Germany” on a campaign poster in 2017? Höcke said he hadn’t learned of the case until later. Part of the reason might have been that he had consciously avoided “established media” out of a need for “psychological self-protection”. After all, his every utterance was picked apart by “hundreds of antifascists”, who had made an industry of “discrediting and hounding” him. He had, he said, been made “the devil of the nation”.

During a May Day address in Hamm, a town in the old industrial heart of Germany’s Ruhr valley, Höcke took this argument directly to his supporters. He invoked the spectre of witch trials and the Inquisition, and compared his case to those of Socrates, Jesus Christ and Julian Assange. “The club of justice is always used to beat the head of the dissident, the head of the opposition – and now it’s being used to beat mine.” Near the speech’s conclusion, Höcke said: “Times are changing, and people are realising that the signs point to a storm.”

The last phrase, Kemper, the sociologist, was quick to point out, was a headline run by a prominent Berlin newspaper the day Hitler was named chancellor.


The final session opened on a bright, cloudless morning in May. The prosecution began by reiterating their case, calling for a six-month prison sentence, “to make an impression on the accused and uphold the rule of law”. Then Höcke’s lawyers had their turn. Over more than two hours, all three spoke. References to Shakespeare and US supreme court Justice Benjamin Cardozo were made, as were promises to appeal against any conviction to the European court of human rights.

Vosgerau delivered a point-by-point refutation of the prosecution, which built to a theoretical crescendo: “The difference between a liberal, constitutional state and a totalitarian state is not that there are very, very, very strict laws in a totalitarian state and in a free, constitutional state very lenient laws. The difference is that, in a totalitarian state, nobody knows exactly what is punishable. But everyone knows, from experience, that the state can declare pretty much anything you do to be a criminal offence if it wants to.”

For all their verve, these were mere opening acts. Given his turn to speak, Höcke shot up from his chair. The idea that he had used the Nazi slogan deliberately was “one of those assumptions that is impossible, completely impossible to prove”, he said. Comparing himself to Joseph K, the protagonist of Franz Kafka’s The Trial, he said he could have never imagined he would be held to account “for such a banality, for such a triviality”. His parliamentary immunity had been removed eight times – not for bribery or corruption or breach of trust, but for expressing his opinion. “Am I not a human being? In the media, I’m treated as if I’m not.”

About 10 minutes in, Judge Stengel interrupted. “Mr Höcke,” he said. “Get to the point. No campaign speeches.”

Höcke nodded, but he would not be kept from a few more flourishes. “The Nazis also said ‘Guten Tag’,” Höcke said. “Do you want to ban the German language because the Nazis also spoke German? At some point, this has to end.”

It was an argument Höcke and his supporters often deployed – that an unhealthy obsession with the past had caused the AfD’s critics to see Nazis everywhere. But over the months I spent reporting this piece, when I pressed Höcke’s critics on whether they might be overstating their case, they rarely relented. “He’s playing with things that mean, if he came to power as a chancellor in Germany, he would have to do very radical things to fulfil his promises to the people,” Matthias Quent, an expert on far-right extremism, told me.

I was often reminded that the recent trial was not the first time that Höcke’s own words were used against him in a legal context. In 2019, a court in Thuringia was asked to rule on whether it would be libellous to call Höcke a “fascist”. The court said that it was not, because the view was “not pulled from thin air”, but stood on a “verifiable, factual basis”.

As evidence, the judges had cited a passage in Never Twice in the Same River, which comes at the end of a chapter, apparently signalling that readers are meant to dwell on its full implications. In it, Höcke forecasts that Germans – “at least those who still want to be” – may someday need to “return to our rural retreats like the brave and cheerful Gauls of old”. These might serve as a “fallback position from which a reconquest will start”. He goes on to say that “our primary political goal is, of course, to prevent all of these scenarios”, but “the longer a patient refuses urgent surgery, the harder the necessary cuts will inevitably be”. A “large-scale remigration project”, built on a “policy of ‘well-tempered cruelty’”, will probably be needed. “This means that human hardship and unpleasant scenes cannot always be avoided.” He concludes that “existential crises require extraordinary action”.

In Halle, the court fell silent as Höcke finished his speech. A final recess was called. When, an hour later, the court reassembled, Judge Stengel began quickly, almost anticlimactically, to read out the verdict.

“The court has to listen to almost everything, but it doesn’t have to believe everything,” he said. For all their discursions into historical and philosophical nuance, the defence’s case had stumbled on one salient point: it was “unrealistic” that Höcke had not known about the other AfD members running into trouble over the same phrase. Even so, a prison sentence would be “completely excessive”. Höcke would receive a fine of €13,000. (Höcke’s team would later appeal the sentence, which a federal court is deliberating.)

Addressing Höcke, Stengel said: “You are an eloquent, intelligent man, who knows what he is saying.”

As the sentence was read, Höcke looked deflated. The hearing was over. There was no rebuttal allowed.

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How China’s internet police went from targeting bloggers to their followers

In recent months, followers of influential liberal bloggers have been interviewed by police as China widens its net of online surveillance

Late last year, Duan*, a university student in China, used a virtual private network to jump over China’s great firewall of internet censorship and download social media platform Discord.

Overnight he entered a community in which thousands of members with diverse views debated political ideas and staged mock elections. People could join the chat to discuss ideas such as democracy, anarchism and communism. “After all, it’s hard for us to do politics in reality, so we have to do it in a group chat,” Yang Minghao, a popular vlogger, said in a video on YouTube.

Duan’s interest in the community was piqued while watching one of Yang’s videos online. Yang, who vlogs under the nickname MHYYY, was talking about the chat on Discord, which like YouTube is blocked in China, and said that he “would like to see where this group will go, as far as possible without intervention”.

The answer to Yang’s question came after less than a year. In July, Duan and several other members of the Discord group, in cities thousands of miles apart, were called in for questioning by the police.

Duan says that he was detained for 24 hours and interrogated about his relationship to Yang, his use of a VPN and comments that he’d made on Discord. He was released without charge after 24 hours, but he – and other followers of Yang – remain concerned about the welfare of the vlogger, who hasn’t posted online since late July.

The incident is just one sign of the growing severity of China’s censorship regime, under which even private followers of unfavourable accounts can get into trouble.

“I don’t think I’ve seen followers of influencers being questioned to this extent in the past,” said Maya Wang, the associate China director at Human Rights Watch.

China’s ministry of public security and the local public security bureau handling Duan’s case could not be reached for comment, but both he and his fellow online idealists fell foul of one of the foundational principles of China’s internet: don’t form a community, especially not one related to politics, even in private.

Being punished for comments made online is common in China, where the internet is tightly regulated. As well as a digital firewall that blocks the majority of internet users from accessing foreign websites like Google, Facebook and WhatsApp, people who publish content on topics deemed sensitive or critical of the government often find themselves banned from websites, or worse.

Last year, a man called Ning Bin was sentenced to more than two years in prison for posting “inappropriate remarks” and “false information” on X and Pincong, a Chinese-language forum.

Even ardent nationalists are not immune. In recent weeks, the influential, pro-government commentator, Hu Xijin, appears to have been banned from social media after making comments about China’s political trajectory that didn’t align with Beijing’s view.

Duan said that the call from the police was not entirely unexpected. Still, he says, the intensity of the interrogation caught him by surprise. “Just complaining in a group chat on overseas software is not allowed”.

The net of online surveillance widens

In February, Li Ying, who runs a popular Chinese-language X account, posted an “urgent notice” saying that his followers in China were being called in to “drink tea” with the police, a euphemism for interrogations. He urged people to unfollow him and take care to make sure that their X accounts didn’t reveal their personal information.

Li, who is based in Italy, runs an account called “Teacher Li is not your teacher”, which posts a stream of unfiltered news about protests and repression in China, the likes of which would never be published in China’s domestic media.

“The police began to call all users who had registered with Chinese mobile phone numbers and asked them to unfollow me,” Li said. People living overseas had their relatives in China contacted by the police, Li said. They were put pressure on to persuade the person overseas to unfollow Li’s account.

Two other popular Chinese bloggers, including Wang Zhi’an, a Chinese journalist based in Japan, also said that their followers were questioned by police this year.

“Part of this has to do with deepening repression – police have gone from harassing activists and people ‘out there’ active in physical spaces to harassing those online because much of activism and dissent is now more deeply hidden,” says Wang.

In December, Li Tong, an official at the ministry of public security’s cybersecurity bureau said that the government had designated 2024 as “the year of a special campaign to combat and rectify online rumours”. Local authorities have taken on this mantle with gusto: in July, Guangdong province said that it had dealt with more than 1,000 cases of “online rumours” and “online trolls” this year.

William Farris, a lawyer who studies state prosecutions of speech in China, said that internet cleaning campaigns are “an annual, or semi-annual, tradition”. Similar campaigns have been announced every year dating back to at least 2013. He noted that in several judgements against people who had been punished for their online activity, the authorities also paid attention to who the people followed. In 2019, a man called Jiang Kun was sentenced to eight months in jail for posts on X, with the court noting that “he followed certain anti-Chinese forces” on the platform.

Still, Wang said that the ongoing cat and mouse game between the authorities and those who think differently from them indicated “an emerging set of shared values that cut across China’s borders. Despite the fact that the authorities have always sought to stamp out these ‘universal values’, they have nonetheless persisted among significant portions of people in and from China.”

The Discord crackdown has been widely discussed online, in forums blocked by China’s firewall. On Reddit, one user wrote: “I sincerely hope that all those who have lost contact can return to life safely. We will meet again, in a place where there is no darkness!”

* Names have been changed.

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Pope Francis to set off on challenging 12-day Asia-Pacific tour

Pontiff’s itinerary, including visits to Indonesia and Papua New Guinea, reflects importance of Asia to Catholic church

Pope Francis is to embark on the longest, farthest and perhaps most challenging trip of his pontificate as he begins a 12-day Asia-Pacific tour that is expected to highlight environmental threats, emphasise interfaith dialogue and reinforce the importance of Asia for the Catholic church.

The 87-year-old will set off on Monday on a tour taking in Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, East Timor and Singapore, a trip that will clock up more than 20,000 miles by air.

Originally planned for 2020 but postponed due to the coronavirus pandemic, the visit is being seen as a nod to the importance of Asia, one of the few places where the church is growing in terms of baptised faithful and religious vocations.

Francis is scheduled to headline more than 40 events during the ambitious tour. “It is a show of strength for Pope Francis,” Massimo Faggioli, an Italian academic, told Reuters.

Shihoko Goto, the director of the Indo-Pacific Program at Washington’s Wilson Center, said the visit, coming as the pontiff struggles with health problems, “speaks volumes about the strategic importance of Asia for the church”.

Francis’s first stop will be Indonesia, the world’s most populous Muslim-majority country. Francis will visit Jakarta’s main mosque and is expected to tour a singular feature built in 2020 as a symbol of religious harmony: an underground “Tunnel of Friendship” that links the mosque to the country’s Catholic cathedral.

He will be accompanied by the grand imam, Nasaruddin Umar, and both are scheduled to later take part in an interfaith gathering. Francis, who in 2019 became the first pope to visit the Arabian peninsula, has long signalled that Catholic-Muslim dialogue is a priority.

The pope is also scheduled to meet Indonesia’s outgoing president, Joko Widodo, and to hold a mass for an estimated 80,000 people at a Jakarta stadium, an Indonesian church official told the Associated Press.

In Papua New Guinea, Francis will meet missionaries from his native Argentina. It is believed he will use the stop to address the threat of climate change, citing challenges such as rising sea levels and increasingly severe heatwaves and typhoons.

He will then head to East Timor to celebrate mass on the same seaside esplanade where Pope John Paul II offered a liturgy in 1989. The former pontiff was later credited with helping to cast a global spotlight on Indonesia’s brutal occupation.

Home to an overwhelmingly Catholic population, East Timor may force Francis to confront the clergy sexual abuse scandal. In 2022, the Vatican confirmed that it had imposed sanctions on the bishop Carlos Ximenes Belo, an East Timor independence hero, after allegations that he sexually abused young boys during the 1990s.

There is no word on whether Francis’s visit will include any reference to Belo, who remains revered for his efforts to win East Timor independence from Indonesian rule.

The pontiff’s last stop will be Singapore, where three-quarters of the population trace their roots to China. Analysts described the stop as part of the Vatican’s efforts to improve its ties with China, home to an estimated 12 million Catholics.

Last week the Vatican reported its “satisfaction” that China had officially recognised the Tianjin bishop, Melchior Shi Hongzhen, whom the Vatican installed in 2019. The Holy See described China’s official recognition of him under civil law as “a positive fruit of the dialogue established over the years between the Holy See and the Chinese government”.

With contributions from Associated Press and Reuters.

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Pope Francis to set off on challenging 12-day Asia-Pacific tour

Pontiff’s itinerary, including visits to Indonesia and Papua New Guinea, reflects importance of Asia to Catholic church

Pope Francis is to embark on the longest, farthest and perhaps most challenging trip of his pontificate as he begins a 12-day Asia-Pacific tour that is expected to highlight environmental threats, emphasise interfaith dialogue and reinforce the importance of Asia for the Catholic church.

The 87-year-old will set off on Monday on a tour taking in Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, East Timor and Singapore, a trip that will clock up more than 20,000 miles by air.

Originally planned for 2020 but postponed due to the coronavirus pandemic, the visit is being seen as a nod to the importance of Asia, one of the few places where the church is growing in terms of baptised faithful and religious vocations.

Francis is scheduled to headline more than 40 events during the ambitious tour. “It is a show of strength for Pope Francis,” Massimo Faggioli, an Italian academic, told Reuters.

Shihoko Goto, the director of the Indo-Pacific Program at Washington’s Wilson Center, said the visit, coming as the pontiff struggles with health problems, “speaks volumes about the strategic importance of Asia for the church”.

Francis’s first stop will be Indonesia, the world’s most populous Muslim-majority country. Francis will visit Jakarta’s main mosque and is expected to tour a singular feature built in 2020 as a symbol of religious harmony: an underground “Tunnel of Friendship” that links the mosque to the country’s Catholic cathedral.

He will be accompanied by the grand imam, Nasaruddin Umar, and both are scheduled to later take part in an interfaith gathering. Francis, who in 2019 became the first pope to visit the Arabian peninsula, has long signalled that Catholic-Muslim dialogue is a priority.

The pope is also scheduled to meet Indonesia’s outgoing president, Joko Widodo, and to hold a mass for an estimated 80,000 people at a Jakarta stadium, an Indonesian church official told the Associated Press.

In Papua New Guinea, Francis will meet missionaries from his native Argentina. It is believed he will use the stop to address the threat of climate change, citing challenges such as rising sea levels and increasingly severe heatwaves and typhoons.

He will then head to East Timor to celebrate mass on the same seaside esplanade where Pope John Paul II offered a liturgy in 1989. The former pontiff was later credited with helping to cast a global spotlight on Indonesia’s brutal occupation.

Home to an overwhelmingly Catholic population, East Timor may force Francis to confront the clergy sexual abuse scandal. In 2022, the Vatican confirmed that it had imposed sanctions on the bishop Carlos Ximenes Belo, an East Timor independence hero, after allegations that he sexually abused young boys during the 1990s.

There is no word on whether Francis’s visit will include any reference to Belo, who remains revered for his efforts to win East Timor independence from Indonesian rule.

The pontiff’s last stop will be Singapore, where three-quarters of the population trace their roots to China. Analysts described the stop as part of the Vatican’s efforts to improve its ties with China, home to an estimated 12 million Catholics.

Last week the Vatican reported its “satisfaction” that China had officially recognised the Tianjin bishop, Melchior Shi Hongzhen, whom the Vatican installed in 2019. The Holy See described China’s official recognition of him under civil law as “a positive fruit of the dialogue established over the years between the Holy See and the Chinese government”.

With contributions from Associated Press and Reuters.

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Ukraine war briefing: Russia says it will change nuclear doctrine due to western ‘escalation’ in Ukraine

Work to amend doctrine on use of nuclear weapons ‘at an advanced stage’, state media quotes deputy foreign minister as saying. What we know on day 922

  • Russia will make changes to its doctrine on the use of nuclear weapons in response to what it regards as western escalation in the war in Ukraine, state media quoted deputy foreign minister Sergei Ryabkov as saying on Sunday.
    The existing nuclear doctrine, set out in a decree by President Vladimir Putin in 2020, says Russia may use nuclear weapons in the event of a nuclear attack by an enemy or a conventional attack that threatens the existence of the state. Some hawks among Russia’s military analysts have urged Putin to lower the threshold for nuclear use in order to “sober up” Russia’s enemies in the west. Ryabkov’s comments on Sunday were the clearest statement yet that changes would indeed be made. “The work is at an advanced stage, and there is a clear intent to make corrections,” state news agency Tass cited Ryabkov as saying. The decision was “connected with the escalation course of our western adversaries” in connection with the Ukraine conflict.

  • Polish and allied aircraft were activated early on Monday to ensure the safety of Polish airspace after Russia launched air strikes on Ukraine, the Operational Command of the Polish armed forces said. “In the southeastern part of the country there may be an increased noise level related to the commencement of operations in our airspace by Polish and allied aircraft,” the command said on X. South-east Poland borders Ukraine.

  • Ukraine carried out one of its biggest ever drone attacks on Russia overnight to Sunday, with videos showing a series of explosions and fires at power stations and refineries including in Moscow. Russia’s defence ministry played down the overnight strikes. It said it had intercepted and destroyed 158 unmanned enemy aerial vehicles. These were shot down over 15 regions, it claimed.

  • Footage posted on Telegram channels suggested some of the long-range Ukrainian drones damaged targets deep inside Russia. At least one struck an oil refinery in the Kapotnya district in south-east Moscow. More drones hit a thermal power station in the Tver region, north of Moscow. There was an explosion at the Konakovo station, one of the biggest in Russia. An orange fireball engulfed several transformers.

  • In eastern Ukraine, where the heaviest fighting of the war is concentrated, Russian forces continued to advance towards Pokrovsk, which is a vital military hub and transport link to towns and cities further north. Russia’s defence ministry said on Sunday its forces had captured two more settlements in Donetsk region and were “continuing to advance deep into the enemy defences”. One of them, Ptyche, is just 21km (13 miles) southeast of Pokrovsk.
    At least three people were killed and nine wounded in Russian shelling of Kurakhove, a town around 35 km south of Pokrovsk, Ukrainian officials said.

  • At least 47 people, including five children, were injured on Sunday after Russian missiles struck a shopping mall and events complex in Ukraine‘s northeastern city of Kharkiv, officials said. The attack prompted Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy to renew calls on allies to allow Kyiv to fire western-supplied missiles deeper into enemy territory and reduce the military threat posed by Russia.

  • A Ukrainian helicopter on a military training flight crashed on Sunday, killing its two-member crew, the Air Force’s university said. The Kharkiv Air Force University in a post on Facebook said investigators and officials from Ukraine’s defence ministry were working to determine the cause of the crash. No further details were immediately available.

  • Ukrainian forces shelled Russia’s southern Belgorod region on Sunday, injuring 11 people, including two children who were seriously hurt, regional governor Vyacheslav Gladkov said. Gladkov, writing on the Telegram messaging app, said the two boys were undergoing surgery after sustaining serious injuries, including one with extensive wounds on both legs.

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Trump shares posts of Gold Star families praising cemetery visit and criticizing Harris

Soldiers’ relatives hit out at vice-president after she said Trump ‘disrespected sacred ground’ for a political stunt

Donald Trump shared statements from the relatives of 13 soldiers killed during the chaotic US evacuation from Kabul as they hit out at Kamala Harris after she criticized the former president’s involvement in a ceremony honoring the service members.

The dispute over the ceremony at Arlington national cemetery, during which Trump campaign aides allegedly shoved a cemetery worker so they could film Trump laying a wreath, contravening rules against political activity at the site, escalated after the vice-president said Saturday that Trump “disrespected sacred ground, all for the sake of a political stunt”.

But eight members of the “Gold Star” families who lost relatives posted messages on Trump’s Truth Social platform Saturday saying they had invited Trump to the ceremony and criticized the Biden-Harris administration for the Afghanistan pull-out three years ago.

“Why did we want Trump there? It wasn’t to help his political campaign,” Mark Schmitz, father of Marine lance corporal Jared Schmitz, said in one video. “We wanted a leader. That explains why you and Joe didn’t get a call.”

Darren Hoover, the father of Marine staff Sgt Taylor Hoover, said Harris lacks “empathy and basic understanding” about the event, and emphasized that Trump’s appearance was respectful.

The army said this week that a cemetery official was “abruptly pushed aside” while interacting with Trump’s staff.

On Saturday, congressional Democrats called on the army to deliver a report on what had taken place at the cemetery on Monday. Harris later posted on Twitter/X that the military burial site is “not a place for politics”.

“Let me be clear: the former president disrespected sacred ground, all for the sake of a political stunt,” Harris added, and said she would “never politicize” such an event.

The dispute continued on Sunday, when former Democratic congresswoman and Iraq veteran Tulsi Gabbard, now a member of Trump’s transition team, told CNN’s State of the Union that she was at the ceremony and saw “a very grave and somber remembrance and honoring of those lives that were lost”.

Gabbard said she saw Trump “spending time at the invitation of these Gold Star families with them” and did “not see or hear about any kind of altercation until something came out in the news later on”.

Gabbard rejected Harris’s statement saying she stood with the veteran’s families. Gabbard told CNN: “President Biden and Harris, I heard, were invited by some of these family members. They not only didn’t come – they didn’t even respond to that invitation.”

Senator Tom Cotton continued the Republican pushback, telling NBC’s Meet the Press that the Gold Star families had invited Trump, but also Joe Biden and Harris, and he disputed that photos and video were meant for political purposes.

“Joe Biden was sitting on a beach. Kamala Harris was sitting in her mansion in DC … She was four miles away. Ten minutes. She could have gone to the cemetery and honored the sacrifice of those young men and women,” Cotton said.

A White House official and a Harris aide disputed Cotton and Gabbard’s account that the president and Harris had been invited to the ceremony, according to NBC News.

As the political fallout from the Arlington ceremony continues, it has drawn in Utah governor Spencer Cox, a moderate Republican who kept his political distance from the Republican presidential candidate until the attempted assassination on Trump at a rally in Butler, Pennsylvania, in July.

Cox, a Latter-day Saint, later said he believes God had a hand in saving Trump’s life, even calling it a miracle.

Cox attended the controversial ceremony and published photos from the event on his official account. Cox’s re-election campaign later issued an apology.

“Honoring those who serve should never be ‘political’,” it read, adding that the campaign was committed “to ensure that we run the best campaign possible and we’ll accomplish that by not politicizing things that shouldn’t be politicized”.

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Childcare worker alleged to be one of Australia’s worst paedophiles pleads guilty to 307 charges

Ashley Paul Griffith, 46, convicted of crimes against dozens of children at childcare centres in Brisbane and Italy between 2007 and 2022

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Former childcare worker Ashley Paul Griffith has confessed to committing 307 sexual offences against dozens of children under his care in Brisbane and Italy between 2007 and 2022.

Griffith, 46, from the Gold Coast, pleaded guilty to all charges at an arraignment at the Queensland district court on Monday morning.

A packed courtroom was silent as all 307 charges were read out this morning, a process that took more than two hours. Some in the audience stood during the entire hearing, due to a lack of space.

Several onlookers cried during the hearing before judge Anthony Rafter.

Griffith appeared in a striped polo shirt and jeans and stood while the charges were read. He said “guilty” in a calm voice as each of the charges were read out by a judge’s associate, and occasionally nodded.

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He was formally convicted of offences committed at childcare centres where he worked between January 2007 and August 2022.

They include 190 charges of unlawful and indecent dealing with a child under 12 under his care, 28 counts of rape, 67 counts of making child exploitation material, four counts of producing child exploitation material and a count of distributing child exploitation material. He was also charged with possessing child exploitation material between 2005 and 2022, using a carriage service for that purpose.

Asked if he had anything to say, Griffith mouthed no and shook his head.

Sixty victims were named in the court on Monday, but their identities cannot be reported for legal reasons.

The Australian federal police believes Griffith – who had the required childcare qualifications – recorded all his alleged offending on phones and cameras at work.

An additional 13 charges were dropped at the start of Monday’s hearing.

Griffith worked at a range of childcare centres in Brisbane, and others in Sydney and Pisa, Italy.

He was arrested in October 2022 by officers of the AFP and Queensland police.

All victims have been identified and their families informed, the AFP has previously said.

The AFP said Griffith worked at some childcare centres where he did not offend.

A sentencing date for Griffith has yet to be set, but he will appear again at the district court for a mention on 9 September.

On the request of crown prosecutor Stephanie Gallagher, the court ordered that a psychiatrist’s report be prepared as part of a pre-sentencing report.

Judge Rafter said the sentencing could take more than two days due to the large number of victims’ families who might choose to read out victim impact statements.

Defence barrister Sarah Cartledge said the defence had attempted to progress the matter as quickly as possible.

  • In Australia, children, young adults, parents and teachers can contact the Kids Helpline on 1800 55 1800, or Bravehearts on 1800 272 831, and adult survivors can contact Blue Knot Foundation on 1300 657 380. The crisis support service Lifeline is 13 11 14. If you or someone you know is impacted by sexual assault, family or domestic violence, call 1800RESPECT on 1800 737 732 or visit www.1800RESPECT.org.au. In an emergency, call 000. International helplines can be found via www.befrienders.org.

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Childcare worker alleged to be one of Australia’s worst paedophiles pleads guilty to 307 charges

Ashley Paul Griffith, 46, convicted of crimes against dozens of children at childcare centres in Brisbane and Italy between 2007 and 2022

  • Follow our Australia news live blog for latest updates
  • Get our breaking news email, free app or daily news podcast

Former childcare worker Ashley Paul Griffith has confessed to committing 307 sexual offences against dozens of children under his care in Brisbane and Italy between 2007 and 2022.

Griffith, 46, from the Gold Coast, pleaded guilty to all charges at an arraignment at the Queensland district court on Monday morning.

A packed courtroom was silent as all 307 charges were read out this morning, a process that took more than two hours. Some in the audience stood during the entire hearing, due to a lack of space.

Several onlookers cried during the hearing before judge Anthony Rafter.

Griffith appeared in a striped polo shirt and jeans and stood while the charges were read. He said “guilty” in a calm voice as each of the charges were read out by a judge’s associate, and occasionally nodded.

  • Sign up for Guardian Australia’s breaking news email

He was formally convicted of offences committed at childcare centres where he worked between January 2007 and August 2022.

They include 190 charges of unlawful and indecent dealing with a child under 12 under his care, 28 counts of rape, 67 counts of making child exploitation material, four counts of producing child exploitation material and a count of distributing child exploitation material. He was also charged with possessing child exploitation material between 2005 and 2022, using a carriage service for that purpose.

Asked if he had anything to say, Griffith mouthed no and shook his head.

Sixty victims were named in the court on Monday, but their identities cannot be reported for legal reasons.

The Australian federal police believes Griffith – who had the required childcare qualifications – recorded all his alleged offending on phones and cameras at work.

An additional 13 charges were dropped at the start of Monday’s hearing.

Griffith worked at a range of childcare centres in Brisbane, and others in Sydney and Pisa, Italy.

He was arrested in October 2022 by officers of the AFP and Queensland police.

All victims have been identified and their families informed, the AFP has previously said.

The AFP said Griffith worked at some childcare centres where he did not offend.

A sentencing date for Griffith has yet to be set, but he will appear again at the district court for a mention on 9 September.

On the request of crown prosecutor Stephanie Gallagher, the court ordered that a psychiatrist’s report be prepared as part of a pre-sentencing report.

Judge Rafter said the sentencing could take more than two days due to the large number of victims’ families who might choose to read out victim impact statements.

Defence barrister Sarah Cartledge said the defence had attempted to progress the matter as quickly as possible.

  • In Australia, children, young adults, parents and teachers can contact the Kids Helpline on 1800 55 1800, or Bravehearts on 1800 272 831, and adult survivors can contact Blue Knot Foundation on 1300 657 380. The crisis support service Lifeline is 13 11 14. If you or someone you know is impacted by sexual assault, family or domestic violence, call 1800RESPECT on 1800 737 732 or visit www.1800RESPECT.org.au. In an emergency, call 000. International helplines can be found via www.befrienders.org.

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Beluga whale alleged to be Russian ‘spy’ found dead in Norway

Body of Hvaldimir taken to harbour for expert examination after being discovered in Risavika Bay

A beluga whale nicknamed Hvaldimir, first spotted in Norway not far from Russian waters while wearing a harness that prompted rumours he might be a spy for Moscow, has been found dead.

The Norwegian public broadcaster NRK reported that the whale’s body was found floating in the Risavika Bay in southern Norway on Saturday by a father and son who were fishing.

The beluga, whose nickname was a combination of the Norwegian word for whale – hval – and the first name of the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, was lifted out of the water by crane and taken to a nearby harbour, where experts will examine it.

The marine biologist Sebastian Strand told NRK: “Unfortunately, we found Hvaldimir floating in the sea. He has passed away, but it’s not immediately clear what the cause of death is.” He added that no major external injuries were visible on the animal.

Strand, who has monitored Hvaldimir’s adventures for the past three years on behalf of the Norway-based non-profit organisation Marine Mind, said he was deeply affected by the whale’s sudden death.

“It’s absolutely horrible,” Strand said. “He was apparently in good condition as of [Friday], so we just have to figure out what might have happened here.”

The 4.2-metre (14ft), 1,225kg (2,700lb) whale was first spotted in April 2019 by fishers near the northern island of Ingøya, not far from the Arctic city of Hammerfest. He was wearing a harness and what appeared to be a mount for a small camera and a buckle marked with the words “Equipment St Petersburg”.

That sparked allegations the beluga was a “spy whale”. Experts have said the Russian navy is known to have trained whales for military purposes.

Over the years, the beluga was seen in the waters off several Norwegian coastal towns and it quickly became clear that he was very tame and enjoyed playing with people, NRK said.

Marine Mind said on its site that Hvaldimir was very interested in people and responded to hand signals. “Based on these observations, it appeared as if Hvaldimir arrived in Norway by crossing over from Russian waters, where it is presumed he was held in captivity,” it said.

Because of this behaviour, Norwegian media have also speculated that Hvaldimir may have been used as “a therapy whale” of some sort in Russia.

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Spanish police arrest three over raids on ‘at least 22’ luxury Ibiza homes

Two men and one woman accused of carrying out robberies at night and using gas to make residents groggy

The string of robberies, spanning years and all following a similar pattern, had left Spanish police perplexed.

Late at night as residents slept, the thieves – dressed in black and with their faces covered – would gain entry to some of Ibiza’s most exclusive homes, often making off with thousands of euros in stolen goods. The victims frequently reported the same groggy feeling when they woke up, leading police to suspect that the perpetrators were using some sort of gas to induce drowsiness.

On Sunday police said they had arrested two men and one woman accused of robbing at least 22 luxury homes in Ibiza during the span of five years.

The arrest comes one week after a villa rented by the former Radio 1 breakfast host, Nick Grimshaw, was reportedly targeted by thieves while he and his family and friends slept inside.

Police have not officially confirmed whether the three people who were arrested are believed to be connected to the robbery where Grimshaw was staying.

The thieves had been targeting homes since 2019, police said, making off with an estimated €548,500 (about £460,000) in stolen goods.

“The thieves entered the homes while the residents were asleep, always dressed in black to hide their faces,” they said in a statement. “Many of the victims reported to police that they felt groggy when they woke up, along with discomfort such as vomiting and dizziness, so it is believed that the alleged perpetrators used some kind of gas that caused drowsiness.”

Police said they located the alleged perpetrators after tracing several stolen vehicles. A police raid on a property had turned up numerous items that had been reported missing after the robberies, such as high-end watches, jewellery and designer sunglasses and handbags.

Video footage released by the police on Sunday appeared to show masked intruders combing through valuables and making their way through the grounds of a villa. The video also showed what appeared to be one of the victims confronting an alleged robber.

“If they happened to be caught during the robbery, they would leave the place in a hurry,” police noted.

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Culture secretary vows to end ‘rip off’ gig ticket sales and review surge pricing

Lisa Nandy says planned ticket resales consultation will now cover ‘dynamic pricing’ after Oasis prices more than double

Ministers will examine surge ticket pricing in a review after the cost of tickets for Oasis’s concerts more than doubled while on sale, the culture secretary has confirmed.

Lisa Nandy said she thought the inflated price of tickets was “incredibly depressing” as standard tickets were increased from £148 to £355 on the website Ticketmaster.

The prices rose under its “dynamic pricing” mechanism, which means that the cost of tickets deemed to be “in demand” can be higher than initially advertised.

The government had already planned to review the secondary ticket sales market, and pledged to bring in measures to stop fans being “ripped off” by touts.

On Sunday Nandy said: “After the incredible news of Oasis’s return, it’s depressing to see vastly inflated prices excluding ordinary fans from having a chance of enjoying their favourite band live.

“This government is committed to putting fans back at the heart of music. So we will include issues around the transparency and use of dynamic pricing, including the technology around queueing systems which incentivise it, in our forthcoming consultation on consumer protections for ticket resales.

“Working with artists, industry and fans we can create a fairer system that ends the scourge of touts, rip-off resales and ensures tickets at fair prices.”

Labour promised to introduce “new consumer protections” on ticket resales in its election manifesto earlier this year.

Oasis will play 17 dates across five cities in 2025, their first live performances since the band split acrimoniously in 2009. The tour was announced two days before the 30th anniversary of the release of their debut album, Definitely Maybe.

Ticketmaster has said that it does not set ticket prices. Its website said they are down to the “event organiser”, which “has priced these tickets according to their market value”.

It is believed the ticket prices for Oasis gigs were set by promoters, PA Media reported. The band’s promoters, SJM Concerts, MCD and DF Concerts & Events have all been approached for comment.

Fans have called for artists and bands to oppose the dynamic pricing model. Among those hit by dynamic pricing was Nandy’s government colleague, and fellow north-west England MP, Lucy Powell. She said she had paid double the price originally quoted for tickets.

She said she had paid £350 each for two tickets at Heaton Park in Manchester. She told BBC Radio 5 Live: “Eventually [I] got through and bought a couple of tickets for more than I was expecting to pay.”

She added that she does not “particularly like” surge pricing. However she said: “It is the market and how it operates.

“You’ve absolutely got to be transparent about that so that when people arrive after hours of waiting, they understand that the ticket is going to cost more.”

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Tiger mauls animal handler at Dreamworld theme park on the Gold Coast

Queensland ambulance service says woman suffered ‘arm injuries’ before being taken to hospital

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A tiger handler has been mauled by a big cat at a Gold Coast theme park, with emergency services saying she is in hospital with injuries to her arm.

A Queensland ambulance service (QAS) spokesperson said paramedics transported a woman from Dreamworld to the Gold Coast University hospital with “multiple lacerations to the arm” after “an incident involving a tiger” at about 9am Monday.

A Dreamworld spokesperson said an “incident occurred involving one of the park’s tigers and a trained tiger handler”.

“Dreamworld’s immediate focus is on the support of the team member,” the spokesperson said.

“This was an isolated and rare incident, and we will conduct a thorough review accordingly”.

The woman, in her 30s, was in a stable condition.

Dreamworld’s Tiger Island, opened almost 30 years ago as one of only two interactive tiger exhibits in the world, is home to Sumatran and Bengal tigers.

It hosts twice daily tiger presentations at which guests are invited to be “mesmerised” by the tigers “as [they] glide underwater” and “be amazed by their might and raw power during feeding time”.

The Courier Mail reported in 2022 that one of Tiger Island’s most senior handlers was injured in an incident.

Visitors to Australia Zoo, on the Sunshine Coast, have also witnessed tiger handler maulings. In 2013, a handler sustained a crushed carotid artery, nicked jugular, paralysis to the left larynx and nerve damage to the left eye after being bitten in the neck after a tiger got “over excited”. In 2016 another handler sustained injuries to his wrist and forehead after an incident with a tiger that was “hot and bothered”.

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