Nir Oz has become a symbol of the Israeli government’s failures to prevent the attack last Oct. 7, to respond with troops quickly enough, and to bring back all of the hostages, dozens of whom remain in Gaza.

A small kibbutz of roughly 400 people, Nir Oz suffered greatly in the Oct. 7 attack. At least 117 people — more than a quarter of the population — were murdered or kidnapped, according to Irit Lahav, a kibbutz spokeswoman.

For years before the attacks, its tightly knit community, formed from socialist roots, had leaned left. Some had volunteered to ferry Palestinians from Gaza seeking medical treatment from military checkpoints to Israeli hospitals.

But a year ago, Palestinian attackers devastated the small village: killing, looting, and setting homes ablaze. By the time Israeli forces finally arrived, the assailants had withdrawn to Gaza, carrying residents from Nir Oz with them — both living and dead.

It is no surprise that feelings about the conflict have been raw. New York is home to the largest Jewish community outside Israel — nearly 1 million in the city — and also has about 6,825 residents who identify as Palestinian, according to the U.S. census. The anniversary falls at a solemn time for Jews known as the Days of Awe, between Rosh Hashana, the Jewish New Year, and Yom Kippur, the Day of Atonement.

In the year since the Oct. 7 attacks, demonstrators in New York have expressed their outrage over U.S. funding and support for Israel’s actions in Gaza, which have killed more than 40,000 Palestinians. Others have focused on the return of Israeli hostages taken to Gaza by Hamas, in addition to the 1,200 Israelis killed on Oct. 7. About 100 of the original 250 hostages are still believed to be held; the rest were returned or rescued, or died in captivity.

As the war has raged and the death toll increased, the city has seen rising instances of antisemitic and anti-Muslim violence and harassment.

Much attention focused on student encampments and counterprotests in the spring at Columbia University and other campuses, some of which led to mass arrests and the cancellation of graduation ceremonies. But protests continued after the encampments were dismantled, and as the new school year began, colleges in New York and around the country created new rules to pre-empt problems. New York University, for example, updated its student guidelines specifying that language targeting Zionists or Zionism could violate its anti-discrimination policy.

Mayor Eric Adams has said that security will be enhanced around synagogues ahead of the anniversary and that the police will be prepared to handle demonstrations.

“While we acknowledge that the city will respect and protect people’s right to peacefully protest, there will be a zero tolerance for those who violate the law, impede traffic and damage property while doing so,” he told reporters last week.

The New York-based pro-Palestinian group Within Our Lifetime, co-founded by a 30-year-old Palestinian American law graduate, Nerdeen Kiswani, has announced plans to march across Manhattan, with gathering spots from Wall Street to Columbus Circle.

Three Jewish-affiliated groups, the UJA-Federation of New York, the Jewish Community Relations Council of New York and the Hostages and Missing Families Forum, are holding a somber commemoration at 6 p.m. at SummerStage in Central Park, with musical performances, prayers and a candle lighting. Attendees are expected to include elected officials; the parents of Omer Neutra, a Long Island native and Israel Defense Forces soldier who remains a hostage; and survivors of the Oct. 7 attack on an Israeli music festival.

Events are also being held by left-leaning Jewish groups with messages calling for an end to the suffering of both sides. Jews for Racial & Economic Justice is planning a late-afternoon memorial gathering called “Every Life Has a Universe” near Union Square for Israelis and Palestinians. “We will hold one another through immense grief for every life stolen,” the group’s website says. Israelis for Peace NYC is holding a vigil at 7 p.m. at Union Square; attendees were instructed not to bring flags or signs.

Hamas attacks Israel

On Oct. 7, armed paragliders took off from Gaza. Militants used drones to destroy Israeli surveillance stations and began to fire thousands of rockets. Commandos in trucks and on motorbikes sped into southern Israel.

In an hourslong assault, Hamas and other Gaza-based groups killed up to 1,200 civilians and security personnel across the border in Israel, committed atrocities, and took more than 250 people back to Gaza as hostages.

In response, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel declared war on Hamas. Israel sealed Gaza’s border and started a campaign of airstrikes, a bombardment that would be one of the most intense in 21st-century warfare and kill tens of thousands of Gazans over the months to come.

Iran allies join the fight

Hezbollah, a Lebanese militant group supported by Iran, began firing missiles and drones at Israeli positions on Oct. 8 in support of Hamas. Israel responded with its own airstrikes, with both sides initially calibrating tit-for-tat attacks to avoid escalation. The fighting would force about 150,000 people on both sides of the border to flee their homes.

Others in Iran’s network of armed groups, which it calls the “axis of resistance,” would soon join the fight against Israel and its allies. The Houthis of Yemen disrupted global shipping by attacking commercial vessels in the Red Sea in support of Hamas, and launched a drone strike on Tel Aviv, killing one person.

Some aid enters Gaza

On Oct. 21, Israel allowed aid into Gaza for the first time since the beginning of the war. In the following months, with food deliveries only trickling in, experts warned that northern Gaza would face famine conditions. The enclave also faced diseases caused by a breakdown of sanitation and hygiene.

In December, South Africa brought a case against Israel to the International Court of Justice, accusing it of committing genocide in Gaza. On May 20, the chief prosecutor at the International Criminal Court said he was seeking arrest warrants for the leaders of both Israel and Hamas on charges of crimes against humanity. Among other charges, the prosecutor said that Israel had used starvation as a weapon of war. Israel strongly denied the charges.

Israel invades Gaza

Israel, after ordering civilians to flee northern Gaza, began a ground invasion on Oct. 27, sending in thousands of troops amid a ferocious bombardment.

In the months that followed, Israeli forces:

• Stormed Al-Shifa hospital, the largest medical center in Gaza, in November.

• Invaded the city of Khan Younis in southern Gaza in December.

• Opened fire while a crowd was gathered near a convoy of trucks carrying aid to Gaza City in February.

• Killed seven aid workers with World Central Kitchen in April, in what Mr. Netanyahu said was a tragic and unintentional incident.

• Withdrew in April from Khan Younis without setting in motion a transfer of power to alternative Palestinian leaders, allowing for Hamas’s retrenchment there. Israeli forces would return to Khan Younis and other Gaza cities again and again.

• Carried out an airstrike that killed the commander of Hamas’s military wing, Muhammad Deif, on the outskirts of Khan Younis. Gaza’s health ministry said that at least 90 people in the vicinity were also killed.

• Staged dozens of airstrikes against school buildings being used as shelters in Gaza. Israel said it was targeting militant command-and-control centers. Hundreds of people have been killed in the strikes, Gaza’s health ministry said.

By August, the Palestinian death toll exceeded 40,000, according to Gaza’s health ministry. Almost all of Gaza’s population of 2.2 million has been forced to flee their homes, and the enclave’s real estate, schools, hospitals and economy have been devastated, largely by airstrikes. Israel’s military said it had killed 17,000 combatants in the enclave.

Hamas and Israel reach a brief truce

Hamas and Israel began a cease-fire on Nov. 24, leading to the release of more than 100 hostages by Hamas in exchange for around 240 Palestinians who were being held in Israeli detention.

The cease-fire fell apart a week later and fighting resumed, as Israel and Hamas disagreed on which Israelis should be freed in further hostage releases.

Since then, international mediators have struggled fruitlessly to bring the two sides to an agreement. In late July, Mr. Netanyahu submitted new demands just as the talks seemed to be gathering momentum. A major sticking point emerged: Mr. Netanyahu’s vow to maintain an Israeli military presence in a narrow strip of Gaza along the border with Egypt known as the Philadelphi corridor.

Israel struggles to rescue hostages

Roughly 100 people — including women, children and older people — are still being held by Hamas after the Oct. 7 attacks. Israeli forces have retrieved the bodies of more than 30 hostages since October, and the Israeli authorities presume that dozens more are dead.

Several incidents have highlighted Israel’s difficulty in rescuing those being held by Hamas.

• In December, Israeli troops killed three Israeli hostages who were waving a white flag in an episode of friendly fire, provoking anguish in Israel.

• In June, four hostages were rescued from Nuseirat in central Gaza. Palestinian health officials said that 274 people were killed, including 64 children, during the Israeli rescue operation. Israel put the total number of dead at around 100.

• On Sept. 1, the Israeli military said that six bodies found in a tunnel under the Gaza Strip were those of hostages who had been killed by Hamas. The discovery set off grief, protests and a labor strike in Israel, amid anger not only at Hamas but also at the Israeli government for failing to secure their release.

Israel strikes an Iranian embassy complex

Israeli warplanes attacked an Iranian embassy complex in the capital of Syria, Damascus, killing at least three senior commanders and four officers overseeing Iran’s covert operations in the Middle East, Iranian and Syrian officials said.

About two weeks later, in retaliation, Iran launched more than 300 drones and missiles at Israel, the first time it had attacked the country directly. Israel and its allies intercepted almost all of the weapons using air defenses. Israeli forces then struck a defense system near Natanz, a city in central Iran that is critical to the country’s nuclear weapons program.

Those strikes, while an escalation of the conflict between Israel and Iran, nevertheless fit within the longstanding framework for deterrence between the two countries.

A rocket kills Golan children

The unsteady equilibrium between Israel, Hezbollah and Iran began to collapse after at least 12 people were killed at a soccer field in the Israeli-controlled Golan Heights on July 27. The Israeli military said the strike had been conducted by Hezbollah.

A few days later, Israel killed Fuad Shukr, a senior Hezbollah official, in a strike in Beirut. The same day, Ismail Haniyeh, one of Hamas’s most senior leaders, was assassinated in the Iranian capital, Tehran. Hamas blamed Israel for the attack.

Hezbollah pagers explode

Thousands of pager devices operated by Hezbollah members in Lebanon exploded almost simultaneously on Sept. 17. At least 12 people were killed and 2,700 injured. The next day, thousands of walkie-talkie devices exploded in Lebanon, killing at least 20 people, wounding more than 450 and crippling Hezbollah’s communications.

In the following days, Israel targeted senior Hezbollah officials as it unleashed one of the most intense air raids in modern warfare.

Hezbollah’s leader is killed, and Israel enters Lebanon

The leader of Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah, was killed in an Israeli airstrike on Sept. 27 on residential buildings south of Beirut that Israel said stood over the central headquarters of Hezbollah.

Three days later, Israel began a ground invasion of southern Lebanon, while continuing its intense aerial bombardment there and in neighborhoods near Beirut where Hezbollah holds sway.

Iran fires a missile barrage

Iran fired around 180 ballistic missiles at Israel on Oct. 1, saying it was retaliating for Israel’s assassinations of Mr. Nasrallah, Mr. Haniyeh and others. The attack was mostly thwarted by Israeli air defenses, with help from the United States.

Israel vowed to retaliate.

Hundreds of Israelis trickled into the square on Monday, the first anniversary of the attack in which more than 250 Israelis were taken hostage. About 100 of those remain in captivity, including dozens who are believed to have died.

Many people came wearing yellow shirts and pins, and holding small signs with photos of hostages, symbols of a crisis that has had a deep impact on Israel’s public consciousness. Amateur singers rotated at a microphone, performing somber Israeli classics.

Two women sat quietly in a corner, holding a small sign with a photograph of their cousin, Doron Steinbrecher, a 31-year-old hostage in Gaza.

“It’s a terrible day, one we never imagined would come,” said one of the women, Merav Saimon. She said she had come to the square to share her cousin’s story with passers-by, finding some comfort in their sympathy after a year of anguish. “Our family is still living in Oct. 7, 2023,” she said.

The activities in the square are run by volunteers from the Hostage Families Forum, an umbrella organization representing many relatives of the hostages.

Relly Ofarim, 49, a product manager at a tech company, has spent much of the past year volunteering in the square. She and others operate a stand selling the Forum’s merchandise — yellow ribbon pins, bracelets and T-shirts — with proceeds going to support the organization.

“Coming here means being around people who feel the way you do,” Ms. Ofarim said. “This is my form of escapism.”

The marker reads: “The grave of the child martyr Kareem Hazem Sabawi. 11/11/2023.”

At the foot of the tree is the small grave of 10-year-old Kareem, killed four days earlier in an Israeli airstrike in Gaza City. His father, Hazem Sabawi, told me he’d dug the grave himself. A single gray brick serves as a makeshift headstone.

Access to Gaza is largely cut off, but the devastating last year of war there has been clearly visible in videos and images, many of them heartbreaking. Bloodied bodies being pulled from the rubble of Israeli airstrikes. Families fleeing their homes with the few belongings they can carry. Children sifting through garbage to find scraps to eat.

The video of Kareem’s grave, by comparison, is almost sterile. There are no sounds and no blood. Just a tree and a small mound of dirt, the final resting place of one of the many young victims of the war in Gaza.

But it has stuck with me as it captures so much of what this war has wrought: the loss of the innocent, the resiliency of Gazans and also how reliant we as journalists have been on the victims of the war to document their suffering.

When conflict breaks out, journalists often rush to the battlefield. But when the war in Gaza began on Oct. 7 with the Hamas-led attack, Israel unleashed a massive aerial assault and — with the aid of Egypt — denied international journalists permission to enter the territory.

Israeli bombardments often caused internet and cellphone outages — and sometimes total communication blackouts — making it even harder to reach people and to understand what was happening.

I reached Mr. Sabawi and his wife, Suha, on a night in late November, after numerous attempts. Like the many Palestinians I have interviewed by phone over the last 12 months, they were generous in sharing their pain after an Israeli airstrike hit a neighboring house, tearing through their kitchen as they prepared lunch. Mr. Sabawi was injured, and Kareem was killed.

They told me how Kareem — who in life would dance to entertain his family and sometimes crinkled his nose when he smiled — lay for four days after he was killed in a cold, empty apartment, wrapped in a borrowed blanket. With Israeli forces and tanks on the streets outside and Israeli warplanes above, his parents said, it was too dangerous to step outside to give their child even the most rushed of burials.

On the fourth day, Mr. Sabawi couldn’t wait any longer.

“Even if I was going to be killed with him, I was going to bury him,” he told me.

In the garden behind the apartment building, Mr. Sabawi and a neighbor they were sheltering with took turns with a shovel to dig a small, shallow grave. They placed Kareem’s body in the hole and piled some dirt over his body before rushing inside.

The war soon forced them to flee south, leaving their son’s grave behind. Mr. Sabawi hopes he will soon be able to return — not only to his hometown, but to move Kareem to a proper cemetery with a proper headstone.

The chancellor, who will attend a memorial event with members of the Jewish community on Monday night, said in a video posted to social media that negotiations for a two-state solution would be “essential” for a sustainable peace.

Prime Minister Keir Starmer of Britain focused on the plight of the Israeli hostages. “One year on from these horrific attacks we must unequivocally stand with the Jewish community and unite as a country,” he said in a statement. “We must never look the other way in the face of hate.”

He added: “We must also not look the other way as civilians bear the ongoing dire consequences of this conflict in the Middle East.”

In Brussels, Ursula von der Leyen, president of the European Commission, lamented the “immense suffering” of the Israeli people and the Palestinians, and reflected on the global impact of the attacks. “Today our hearts are also with the Jewish communities across the world,” she said in a statement.

President Emmanuel Macron of France said the pain of Oct. 7 remained “as vivid as it was a year ago” in a post on X. “The pain of the Israeli people. Ours. The pain of wounded humanity.”

Simon Harris, the taoiseach, or prime minister of Ireland, said in a statement that the country would not forget the Oct. 7 terror attack. He acknowledged the “enormous loss of life and deep suffering that has marked the past year,” and said that “civilians’ lives are of equal value.”

Like many other leaders, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni said in a statement issued Monday that Italy would continue to work for an immediate cease-fire in Gaza, the release of Israeli hostages and the stabilization of the Israeli-Lebanese border.

Tor Wennesland, the United Nations’ special coordinator for the Middle East peace process, said in a statement that the brutality of the Oct. 7 attacks remains “impossible to comprehend.”

“The war that has raged over the past year continues to shatter lives and inflict profound human suffering for Israelis, Palestinians, and now the people of Lebanon,” he said. “Violence begets violence, and in these moments of grief, we must reaffirm our commitment to peace.”

In an open letter to Catholics in the Middle East, Pope Francis criticized the “shameful inability” of the international community to end the conflict. “It seems that few people care about what is most needed and what is most desired: dialogue and peace,” he wrote. “Violence never brings peace.”

The pope concluded with an address to the people of Gaza: “I am with you, who have been forced to leave your homes, to abandon schooling and work and to find a place of refuge from the bombing. I am with you, who are afraid to look up for fear of fire raining down from the skies.”

Aaron Boxerman, Aurelien Breeden, Megan Specia, Jenny Gross, Christopher F. Schuetze and Elisabetta Povoledo contributed reporting.

Democracies generally have not questioned Israel’s right to defend itself from Hamas and Hezbollah, militant groups backed by Iran that the United States considers terror organizations. Washington has remained Israel’s most steadfast defender, even as President Biden has pushed Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to negotiate cease-fires.

Mr. Netanyahu remains undeterred. “Whoever tries to harm us, we will harm them all the more forcefully,” he said last month.

Yet how Israel has waged war has evoked a severe backlash around the globe.

“We can see it with China, can see it with Russia, we can see it with Europe,” said Eldad Shavit, a retired Israeli colonel who is a senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies at Tel Aviv University. Since Hamas attacked Israel last Oct. 7, setting off the war in Gaza, “I think the Israeli position in the international community deteriorated,” Colonel Shavit said.

A poll by the Pew Research Center that was released in June found that most Israelis were concerned about their country’s global image: 58 percent believed that Israel was not respected internationally. At the same time, 70 percent of Israelis said they believed antisemitism was increasing around the world.

In September, the United Nations General Assembly overwhelmingly approved a nonbinding resolution demanding that Israel end its “unlawful presence in the occupied Palestinian territory” within a year. It was a symbolic vote, but one that illustrated growing international opposition to Israel’s treatment of Palestinians. And it followed a July ruling by the International Court of Justice that said Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and East Jerusalem was illegal.

Israel could recoup some international goodwill were it to secure a cease-fire in Gaza, freeing the remaining dozens of hostages held there by Hamas and showing its Arab neighbors that it is committed to diplomatic solutions and not just military action, said Bronwen Maddox, director of the Chatham House research group in London.

Instead, Israel “is reacting tactically to every threat and not trying to build alliances,” Ms. Maddox said.

She also noted that public opposition to the war in Gaza, particularly in the United States and Britain, has chipped away at longstanding political and military support that Israel has enjoyed from key allies. Both the United States and Britain have withheld some weapons transfers to Israel, in a sign of what Ms. Maddox called “a change in international mood,” and although the White House approved a $20 billion arms deal to Israel over the summer, it faced delays as the Biden administration tried to contain domestic opposition to the sale.

“On Oct. 8, Israel had huge international support,” she said, referring to the day after Hamas attacked. “It’s dropped a lot in the last year.”

Mr. Biden’s comments came as the relationship between him and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel has grown increasingly fraught. American officials have privately expressed frustration about a pattern of defiance by an ally that Mr. Biden has sought to support.

The war in Gaza has highlighted the limits of American influence, with the Biden administration unable or unwilling to exert the pressure needed to broker a truce and keep a broader war from erupting in the Middle East. The Biden administration has tried in vain to cajole Mr. Netanyahu to make a deal with Hamas or one with Hezbollah, the Lebanese militia it is battling across its northern border in Lebanon.

Mr. Biden, who said the United States would continue working to free the remaining hostages in Gaza, also condemned “the vicious surge of antisemitism in America and around the world.”

Antisemitic incidents in the United States have increased since the Oct. 7 attack and the war became a heated issue on American college campuses, where numerous protests have taken place. Concerns have also grown about Islamophobia on campuses, and several universities have launched investigations into hate speech against Muslims and Jews.

Mr. Biden’s statement acknowledged the civilian death toll wrought by the war — over 40,000 Palestinians have been killed in Israel’s onslaught in Gaza, where Israel has said it wants to destroy Hamas.

“Far too many civilians have suffered far too much during this year of conflict — and tens of thousands have been killed,” Mr. Biden said. Although Mr. Biden in the past has said the Israeli military was not doing enough to prevent harm to innocent Gazans — once declaring Mr. Netanyahu’s approach to the war “a mistake” — his statement did not explicitly criticize Israeli forces’ actions, and said Palestinian people had suffered because of the conflict that Hamas kicked off.

Mr. Biden said the White House was working to reach a cease-fire deal in Gaza and called for a diplomatic solution to end the fighting in Israel and Lebanon.

The remaining hostages have become public figures in absentia, and by extension their loved ones have gained a sort of fame as well. That has made their days both horrifying and strange.

They have spoken at rallies in Israel and the United States. They have attended the State of the Union address in Washington and American political conventions, and traveled with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel. They have met American officials and Hollywood celebrities eager to show their support.

“I personally met Jerry Seinfeld,” said Tomer Keshet. He is a cousin of Yarden Bibas, whose family became instantly known last October after images of his wife, Shiri, and red-haired children, 3-year-old Ariel and 9-month-old Kfir, being kidnapped during the Hamas-led attacks were widely shared online.

“I sit in a room with people I have seen only on TV and it is surreal,” said Mr. Keshet, who also met with Hillary Clinton in Washington.

But for Mr. Keshet and others in a similar situation, all of their public advocacy has not achieved what they most desire: the return of their loved ones.

“It is a horrible feeling to meet these people who have major influence all over the world and not get our family back,” Mr. Keshet said.

On Monday, the first anniversary of the Hamas-led attacks, a small group of the families of hostages and their supporters gathered a short distance from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s residence in Jerusalem to renew calls for an urgent deal to bring them home.

“A whole year in which time has stopped. I’m still on the same day,” said Shai Wenkert, whose son Omer was abducted from a music festival near the Gaza border.

The anniversary was particularly cruel for the family of Idan Shtivi, 28, a university student and amateur photographer who was also abducted from the festival. On Sunday night, the Israeli authorities informed his parents that Mr. Shtivi was presumed dead based on the available evidence, his father said in a television interview.

Now that Israel has begun an invasion of Lebanon targeting Hezbollah, many of the families fear that the fate of Israeli hostages in the Gaza Strip has begun to recede from the public consciousness.

“I feel the hostage situation has been put to the back,” said Ofri Bibas-Levy, Yarden’s sister. She said she wants world leaders to negotiate a comprehensive cease-fire that will end the conflicts in both Lebanon, on Israel’s northern border, and Gaza, to the south, and bring the remaining hostages home.

“If Lebanon goes into a cease-fire without the hostages, it is like a death sentence for my family,” she said. “We need to find a solution to the situation that will include the north and the south together.”

The Bibas family does not know if their loved ones are still alive. The last time that any of them received proof of life for Yarden was when images that showed him bleeding from the head circulated online last fall. In November, Hamas said Shiri, Ariel and Kfir had been killed in an Israeli airstrike. The Israeli government has said there was no evidence to support that claim.

For many relatives of hostages, advocating for their loved ones has become something akin to a full-time job.

Ms. Bibas-Levy said she was grateful for the attention of the news media and world leaders. But it has sometimes been a double-edged sword: the haunting images of Shiri and her children have turned them into symbols of the crisis and generated a degree of public fascination about their fate that can be rattling.

“We have experienced a lot of psychological terror from Hamas, but also from the public,” said Ms. Bibas-Levy. “For them, it is a mystery what happened to our family. People attach their names to any new story that pops up, even if it is made up. And every time that happens, it shakes our whole world.”

Aaron Boxerman contributed reporting from Jerusalem.

Analysts say the overall response has made little impact as Arab leaders try to preserve stability at home.

“For 12 months you’ve watched Arab leaders pursuing various strategies,” said Sanam Vakil, director of the Middle East program at Chatham House, a London-based research institute.

“One strategy was the ‘I told you so’ strategy, where they’ve wagged their fingers and tried to avoid any responsibility. The second is a hot potato strategy where they keep passing the buck among themselves and not, collectively, trying to pursue some plan forward.”

Public opinion in the Arab world has historically leaned toward sympathy for Palestinians, and many people’s grief and fury over Gaza’s plight has turned toward their governments, with protests erupting in several countries.

This discontent has been evident particularly in countries like Egypt and Jordan, which have had peace treaties with Israel for decades, as well as in Bahrain, which signed the Abraham Accords, the 2020 deal brokered by the Trump administration establishing relations with Israel. While their governments have condemned the Gaza war and expressed support for Palestinians, their cautious approach has led to frustration among their citizens, many of whom are young.

Hasan Alhasan, a senior fellow for Middle East policy at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, noted that only Bahrain had joined a U.S.-led operation in the Red Sea against the Iran-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen, who have been attacking ships in what they say is solidarity with Hamas. Other countries have not done so, he said, “partly to avoid being seen by their publics as waging war against the group on Israel’s behalf.”

Jordan said at the start of the war that it would not take in any Gazans forcibly displaced by Israel, warning that any mass expulsion would be anathema to the eventual creation of a Palestinian state. Jordan also helped set up field hospitals and deliver medical supplies to Gaza.

Still, Jordan drew outrage in April, when Iranian launched a major missile attack on Israel, and the Jordanian military shot down some of the missiles and drones that flew over its airspace. Although Jordan said it was defending its own territory, Palestinians and their supporters accused the kingdom of siding with Israel.

Egypt also rejected any effort to relocate Palestinians from Gaza, and along with Qatar has helped mediate talks over humanitarian assistance and a cease-fire between Israel and Hamas, though those have been stalled. But it has not offered refugee status to the thousands of Gazans who have made it into Egypt, and has cooperated with Israel in enforcing a blockade of Gaza for nearly two decades, amid fears that an influx of Gazan refugees could threaten national security.

After the Abraham Accords, Saudi Arabia had been discussing the possibility of formalizing ties with Israel. In a speech to the U.N. General Assembly last month, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel repeated a desire to normalize ties with Saudi Arabia, arguing that such a deal would help both countries “foil Iran’s nefarious designs.”

But the war in Gaza appears to have shut the door on that possibility for now, Mr. Netanyahu’s rejection of a separate Palestinian state has frustrated the Arab world.

“The kingdom will not cease its tireless efforts to establish an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, and will not establish diplomatic relations with Israel without one,” Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman said last month.

At the U.N. General Assembly, Jordan’s Foreign Minister Ayman al-Safadi summed up Arab states’ irritation, affirming his willingness to guarantee Israel’s security only if it ends its occupation of Palestinian lands and allows for a Palestinian state.

“If he does not want the two-state solution,” he said, referring to Mr. Netanyahu, “can you ask Israeli officials what their endgame is other than just wars and wars and wars?”