The crowds gather every evening on a scenic hillside on the outskirts of Beirut. Young men, old couples and local journalists, all drawn by the unobstructed view of the Dahiya, the cluster of neighborhoods south of Beirut that has been pummeled by Israeli airstrikes over the past two months.

As dusk settles, people seated on motorcycles and atop cement barriers anxiously wait for the war to unfold in front of them. When there is a thunderous boom of an Israeli airstrike, they quickly scan the skyline for a plume of white smoke curling into the air — the first clue as to what may have been hit.

“Look, look at the balcony, there. Do you see it?” Osama Assaf, 43, said one recent evening, pointing into the distance.

“Where? By the highway?” a young man standing beside him replied.

As the war between Hezbollah and Israel has escalated, the gathering at the escarpment has become a nightly ritual in Baabda, a mountainous suburb on the southeastern outskirts of Beirut, Lebanon’s capital. In peacetime, the area is a picnic spot, where old friends and young lovers smoke fruit-flavored tobacco through water pipes and watch a deep red sun melt into the Mediterranean Sea. These days, the hillside offers a window into the war that has decimated the enclave south of the city in the Dahiya.

A cramped patch of high-rise apartments, office buildings and narrow one-way roads, the Dahiya is home mostly to Shiite Muslims and is effectively governed by Hezbollah, the Iran-backed militant group and Shiite political movement in Lebanon. Airstrikes that Israeli officials say are targeting Hezbollah military facilities in the Dahiya have transformed the area into a bombed-out ghost town coated in gray ash and littered with rubble.

The hillside overlooking the Dahiya first drew local TV reporters who offered grim updates about the war. Soon, Dahiya residents who had fled the area began converging there as well. Some are desperate to know firsthand if their neighborhood will survive another day. Others are bored, their usually busy lives upended by the war. Occasionally, young Christian men who live nearby come to cheer on the destruction of the mostly Shiite neighborhoods — a glimpse of the sectarian tensions always simmering Lebanon.

But mostly people are drawn by a morbid fascination — an urge to hear the rattling booms and see the billowing smoke, if only to make real the horrors of the war.

“Look, there’s more smoke rising from where it hit,” Hussein Qazem, 56, said one recent evening, pointing to where an Israeli airstrike had landed minutes earlier. Pulling out his phone, he checked the two maps issued with the most recent Israeli evacuation orders warning of imminent airstrikes in two Dahiya neighborhoods. “This must be the al-Hawraa strike,” he muttered.

An hour earlier, Mr. Qazem was eating a late lunch with his family in an apartment they had rented after fleeing the Dahiya when they saw the evacuation warnings flash across their phones. The warnings had become a near daily occurrence since the war escalated, but this time, one of the maps included the apartment he had spent 30 years working in Saudi Arabia running an import-export business to purchase.

His 17-year-old nephew, Wael Wahab, said they should go back quickly — one final visit to say goodbye. The pair jumped on Mr. Wahab’s motorcycle and made a mad dash into the neighborhood, whizzing past the shops they once frequented, the storefront windows now only jagged edges of glass, he said. It was only a few minutes — they didn’t know how long they had until the strikes would hit — but it was something.

From the Dahiya, they came to the hillside as a bluish haze was settling over the city. “A plane’s coming,” Mr. Wahab said, nodding at a commercial flight as it landed on the runway of Beirut’s international airport — a surreal reminder of life carrying on despite the war. A few minutes later, an Israeli warplane roared overhead, followed by the thundering boom of another airstrike.

“That must be the one targeting our street,” Mr. Wahab said.

They paused for a second. “OK, it’s gone,” Mr. Qazem said.

Farther up the escarpment, a gaggle of local television crews had set up shop, lining the curb with their tripods and the thrumming generators that powered satellite dishes. The sidewalk was littered with cigarette butts and empty bottles of water and energy drinks — the fuel of their long nights.

Mohammad Farhat, a 68-year-old resident of the Dahiya, paced behind the reporters, flipping his car keys in his hand. A retired employee of Lebanon’s Education Ministry, he and his wife, Leila Farhat, 65, come here most nights — it’s the best way to get the most up-to-date news on the war, directly from the journalists gathered there, they explained.

“Here we survive on hope — and information,” Mr. Farhat said.

As he spoke, Ms. Farhat rummaged around in the trunk of their car until she found a plastic bag of mixed nuts and liter of 7-Up. She handed him the nuts, poured the soda into clear plastic cups and passed them to others who had gathered there. “It’s like the new Corniche here,” she said jokingly, referring to the city’s popular seaside promenade.

The pair have been married for nearly 50 years, since Ms. Farhat fled her hometown in the south during the country’s bloody civil war and went to the Bekaa Valley in eastern Lebanon, where she met Mr. Farhat. “I saved her the drive back to her village,” Mr. Fahat joked.

They moved to the Dahiya two decades ago and saw it destroyed once before during the monthlong war between Hezbollah and Israel in 2006. Hezbollah rebuilt it then with millions of dollars in aid from Iran and Qatar. The group emerged from that war with an aura of invincibility that helped assure people that the Dahiya would never be destroyed again. Mr. Farhat said he was confident that once the war ends, Hezbollah would rebuild the area again. But that would most likely be a long and arduous process — and his resolve to weather yet more hardship in a country plagued by crises was waning.

“We’re retired now, we’re supposed to be relaxing. It’s our time to rest,” Mr. Farhat said. “I’ve been to Germany, to the Netherlands, I saw retired people like us there, how they go on vacations. They aren’t thinking about these drones,” he added, nodding up to the sky at the incessant hum overhead.

“The drone never stops, it never gets tired,” Ms. Farhat interjected wryly. “It stays in the sky for 30 hours straight.”

As the sun sank below the skyline and darkness fell, the outlines of the Dahiya became clear: The cluster of neighborhoods turned into a swath of darkness, its buildings mostly empty and its electrical lines damaged in the strikes. The Dahiya’s de facto borders were illuminated by the lights of Beirut proper. Behind it were the fluorescent white lines of the airport’s runway and the warm yellow specks of apartment buildings in the city, which has remained mostly untouched.

Down the road from the pack of reporters, Iman Assaf, 46, unloaded a foam mattress from the back of her family’s car onto the sidewalk, where she planned to spend the night with her husband and son.

They were among the tens of thousands of Shiite Muslims who fled the Dahiya as the strikes intensified and spilled into other parts of Beirut. The influx transformed the demographic map of a city often defined along sectarian lines, where neighborhoods are synonymous with a religion and sect.

Ms. Assaf said she had felt welcome for the most part in Baabda, a mostly Christian town. Though, occasionally, young men on motorcycles with Christian crosses around their necks and alcoholic drinks in their hands will stop at the outlook and yell, as if encouraging the strikes on the mostly Shiite Muslim neighborhoods.

“Yalla, yalla, yalla!” — “Let’s go, let’s go, let’s go!” — they yell, offering a crude reminder of the sectarian tensions. Ms. Assaf brushed those tensions aside, as if describing them as fleeting might help bury them for good.

“The people are united — it’s war on all of us,” Ms. Assaf said.

Then she took her seat on the dusty mattress. She placed a kettle on her small, portable stove and looked out over the view of the Dahiya, watching the war and praying for its end.

Hwaida Saad and Jacob Roubai contributed reporting.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel has indicated he is open to a cease-fire in the yearlong conflict with Hezbollah, as U.S. officials pressured him to finalize a deal before Thanksgiving, according to two Israeli officials briefed on his thinking.

Mr. Netanyahu was scheduled to meet with his cabinet on Tuesday to discuss a proposed deal to end the war in Lebanon, two other Israeli officials said. Mediators have made significant progress toward a cease-fire over the past week, but a key sticking point has been Mr. Netanyahu’s insistence on securing some assurance that Israel could restart the fighting if Hezbollah broke the truce, Israeli officials said.

The latest proposal is seen as the best chance to end fighting that has killed thousands in Lebanon and close to 100 Israeli civilians and soldiers, while displacing roughly 60,000 people in Israel and about one million in Lebanon. But negotiations have been starting and stopping for weeks, and the two sides may not come to terms.

Mr. Netanyahu’s office declined to comment on his intentions. All of the officials who described his thinking spoke on the condition of anonymity, in order to discuss the sensitive, private negotiations.

Under the proposal, Israeli forces would withdraw from Lebanon within 60 days, while Hezbollah, a Lebanese militia, would move north, farther from the Israeli border, according to the officials.

The Lebanese Army would deploy to southern Lebanon to ensure that Hezbollah stays north of the Litani River, the officials said, in effect creating a buffer zone along the Israeli border.

The cease-fire would officially be an agreement among Israel, Lebanon and the mediating countries, including the United States. A top Lebanese lawmaker has been acting as a liaison with Hezbollah, which the country’s government does not control, and any deal would include the group’s unofficial approval, two of the officials said. Hezbollah is designated a terrorist organization by the United States.

Iran, which is Hezbollah’s primary ally and backer, urged the group to accept a cease-fire earlier this month. Hezbollah’s new leader, Naim Qassem, suggested in a video last week that the group would agree to a cease-fire if Israel ended its attacks on Lebanon and Lebanon retained its sovereignty.

If all sides agree, the deal would be the first cease-fire in either Lebanon or the Gaza Strip in almost exactly a year. Last November, Israel and Hamas observed a weeklong truce in Gaza while they exchanged some hostages and prisoners. Israel and Hezbollah — which had begun launching rockets at Israel weeks earlier, in solidarity with Hamas — also stopped firing at each other that week, though they had not agreed to an official pact.

After that pause, however, fighting on both fronts exploded again. It has intensified in Lebanon in the last two months, with Israel stepping up its bombing campaign and mounting a ground invasion.

More than 44,000 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza since the start of the Israel-Hamas war, which began in October 2023 when Hamas attacked Israel in a raid that killed roughly 1,200 people.

One focus of the negotiations has been how and whether Israeli forces would be able to redeploy inside Lebanon if Hezbollah rebuilt its military might along the Israel-Lebanon border.

Israel is worried that the last time it agreed to such a cease-fire, ending the 2006 Lebanon War, Lebanon failed to keep Hezbollah away from its southern border with Israel, two of the officials said. The current cease-fire proposal is modeled on the 2006 agreement, so this time, the officials said, Israel wants clear approval to uphold the deal itself — with force.

Israel wants the right to take military action against Hezbollah militants if they remain near the border or return there. Lebanese officials have been reluctant to agree to such language in the deal, the two officials said. Instead, officials said, Israel is seeking formal approval from the United States — either as part of the agreement or in an accompanying document — that Israel could redeploy forces in that scenario.

Mr. Netanyahu appears to be more open to a deal with Hezbollah in Lebanon than with Hamas in Gaza, in large part because he is more intent on the complete destruction of Hamas than Hezbollah. Yet, hard-line factions that are crucial to his political coalition have opposed any cease-fire. On Monday, Israel’s national security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, publicly urged Mr. Netanyahu to reject the proposal — but he stopped short of threatening to pull support for Mr. Netanyahu, as he has on the question of a cease-fire deal in Gaza.

“An agreement with Lebanon is a big mistake. A historic missed opportunity to eradicate Hezbollah,” Mr. Ben-Gvir said. “As I warned before in Gaza, I warn now as well: Mr. Prime Minister, it is not too late to stop this agreement! We must continue until absolute victory!”

As for Hezbollah, it appeared the group was ready to accept a deal. Its patron, Iran, was notified on Monday that the cease-fire was imminent, said two Iranian members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the internal communications.

The push for a cease-fire has been led by the United States and France. Last week, the Biden administration dispatched a top envoy, Amos Hochstein, to Israel and Lebanon. U.S. officials “believe that the trajectory of this is going in a very positive direction,” John Kirby, a White House spokesman, told reporters on Monday. “But nothing is done until everything is done.”

The French government said in a statement that talks “have made significant progress” and that it hopes “parties involved will seize this opportunity as soon as possible.”

At the same time, Israel and Hezbollah, each seeking leverage in what could be the closing phase of talks, have launched some of the heaviest aerial attacks at each other since the fighting began.

On Sunday, Israeli officials said Hezbollah had fired at least 250 projectiles, a term often used for rockets, into Israel, including many toward Tel Aviv, injuring at least 13 people. In Lebanon, Israeli forces issued a series of sweeping evacuation orders for the area south of Beirut on Sunday night before striking what they said were a dozen Hezbollah command centers. There were no immediate reports of casualties in those strikes.

The heavy exchange of fire continued on Monday, causing schools to close on both sides of the border. The Israeli military said it had struck at least 25 Hezbollah targets across Lebanon, including what it said were buildings used by Hezbollah’s leadership and intelligence operations. At the same time, in parts of northern Israel, residents scrambled to shelters as a new round of sirens announced about 30 incoming projectiles from Lebanon. Israeli officials said at least some had been intercepted by Israeli missiles.

At least seven people in Lebanon were injured in Israeli strikes on Monday, according to Lebanese state news media. In northern Israel, officials said that a 60-year-old man had been hurt in an attack from Lebanon.

Since the start of the war, Israeli attacks have killed more than 3,500 people in Lebanon, according to Lebanon’s health ministry. Israeli officials said Hezbollah attacks have killed 47 civilians, and Israeli’s military said 46 soldiers had died in the fighting in Lebanon.

If Israel and Hezbollah fail to approve the proposed cease-fire by Thursday, two of the officials said they believed it could be finalized by the weekend.

Reporting was contributed by Aaron Boxerman in Jerusalem, Farnaz Fassihi in New York, Michael D. Shear in Washington, Johnatan Reiss in Tel Aviv and Gabby Sobelman in Rehovot, Israel.

A DHL cargo plane crashed in a residential area near Vilnius Airport in Lithuania, killing one person on board and setting a house ablaze, officials said.

The Lithuanian authorities said the cause of the crash was under investigation.

The Boeing 737 plane had departed from Leipzig, Germany, and crashed near Vilnius Airport at about 5:30 a.m., the airport said in a statement.

It burst into flames and set a two-story home on fire, according to Renata Liaudanskiene, a spokeswoman for Lithuania’s Fire and Rescue Department. She said that no one in the house was injured but that three people were pulled from the wreckage of the plane and taken to a hospital.

A fourth person who was on board the plane was killed in the crash, according to the Lithuanian authorities. .

Arunas Paulauskas, the commissioner general of Lithuania’s police, said at a news conference that the aircraft was “completely wrecked.”

“The cargo it was carrying is scattered over a large area,” he said, according to a transcript of his remarks.

Darius Jauniškis, chief of Lithuanian intelligence, said that among the possibilities they are investigating is sabotage, while stressing that there is no evidence of that.

“Without a doubt, we cannot rule out the terrorism version,” he said.

Based on current information, U.S. officials said they believe the crash was an accident and not Russian sabotage. They spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive intelligence.

A surveillance camera near the airport captured the moment of the crash. It showed the lights of a plane descending lower and lower before disappearing behind warehouses, followed by an explosion that illuminates the dark sky and a rising column of smoke.

Photographs from the scene later on Monday showed emergency workers walking between bare trees near the crash site. Parts of what appeared to be the plane’s yellow siding are visible, and cardboard packages are scattered across the snowy ground.

A spokesman for DHL confirmed that an aircraft operated for the company by a third-party carrier, Swiftair, had “made a forced landing” near Vilnius Airport.

“The cause of the accident is still unknown, and an investigation is underway,” the spokesman, Nicholas Leong, said in an email.

Tomas Dapkus contributed reporting from Vilnius.

A United Nations helicopter has been buzzing nonstop for days over Haiti, as the U.N. starts to draw down its personnel in Port-au-Prince, evacuating 14 people at a time in chopper rides.

Many embassies and international aid organizations — including Doctors Without Borders, which runs some of the few functioning hospitals in Port-au-Prince — are suspending operations in Haiti, where gangs have stormed into more parts of the capital, sowing panic among humanitarian groups.

Port-au-Prince’s international airport remains closed to commercial traffic after gangs shot at U.S. airliners this month.

Many Haitians are particularly alarmed and dismayed by the departure of personnel from the United Nations, the international agency people are relying on to help resolve a crippling gang crisis that has forced many civilians to flee their homes.

“Every Haitian thinks that we are being abandoned by the whole world,” said Dr. Wesner Junior Jacotin, a critical care physician in Haiti. “If I was in a foreign country and I believed at any moment my life could be at risk, I would leave too.”

But, he wondered: “What about the ones who can’t leave?

Nations around the world are looking to the U.N. as the only viable solution for a troubled country that has been unraveling since its last president was assassinated more than three years ago.

The U.N. Security Council met for several hours last week to debate whether to start an official peacekeeping operation, despite a history of failed U.N. interventions in the Caribbean nation.

The Biden administration has pushed hard for the move. Most people in Haiti, including its government, are desperate and want to see the U.N. soldiers return to Haiti, as do most countries in the region. But Russia and China, which have veto power, have balked, arguing that there is no peace to keep.

The United Nations, which before the capital’s airport closed had about 300 employees working in 18 different agencies, including the World Food Program, UNICEF and the International Agency for Migration, said it would move workers to its offices in safer parts of the country outside of Port-au-Prince.

But dozens more staff members assigned to the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti — the political mission known as BINUH — were evacuated from the country.

Those employees, who are involved in police, human rights, justice and other programs, were flown to the northern city of Cap Haitien by helicopter, where they departed the country because there were no other offices outside the capital where they could work, U.N. officials said.

In addition, a U.S. Air Force C-130 landed in Toussaint Louverture International Airport in Port-au-Prince this weekend to transport American diplomats who were evacuating from the U.S. embassy, the U.S. Southern Command said. The embassy has largely been reduced to a skeleton staff with limited operations.

The move came days after Doctors Without Borders — the French medical organization long accustomed to working in hostile environments — announced that it would no longer accept new patients at its five clinics in the Port-au-Prince region.

On Sunday, another humanitarian group, Mercy, Corps said it was considering evacuating its staff to other provinces this week.

“Seems like everyone that can is relocating to somewhere outside of Port-au-Prince,” said David Lloyd, an American missionary whose son and daughter-in-law were killed in a gang attack earlier this year. “My question is, after Port-au-Prince is burned, where is next? Will the gangs go to Cap Haitien then? Someone needs to make a stand and say enough is enough.”

With the airport closed, Mr. Lloyd recently fled the country by taking an arduous journey through the mountains and by sea. He is now in Oklahoma.

The departure of aid workers and diplomats follows intensifying gang violence in recent weeks that gang leaders said was meant to force a transitional presidential council governing Haiti to step down.

Two weeks ago, gangs shot at three American commercial airliners, which led the Federal Aviation Administration to shut down air travel to Port-au-Prince.

About a week ago, gang members tried raiding Petionville, a neighborhood where many aid organizations and their employees are based. Police officers and local residents fought back and killed many gang members, the police said.

The U.N. estimates that at least 220 people, including 115 gang members, were killed in more than a dozen coordinated gang attacks from Nov. 11 to Nov. 19.

The U.N.’s migration agency said Monday that 41,000 people had fled their homes in the past two weeks.

A Multinational Security Support mission, an international police force financed by the Biden administration and largely staffed by Kenyan police officers, was sent to Haiti in June. But the mission has had to face heavily-armed gangs that vastly outnumber the international force.

Even the mission admits that many people have criticized its response.

“Recent developments in Haiti have left many Haitians questioning the role of MSS and its handling of the current security situation amid an apparent surge in gang activities,” the mission said Sunday night on X, referring to its acronym.

The Kenyan-led force said it does not publicize much of its work, though it did acknowledge conducting an operation in a gang stronghold in the Delmas area of Port-au-Prince on Sunday. The mission’s statement on X was an apparent reference to media reports that the authorities had attacked the stronghold of a notorious gang leader, Jimmy Cherizier, who is known as Barbecue. He remains at large.

Ulrika Richardson, the U.N.’s humanitarian coordinator, said the attack in Petionville where the international agency has offices sent a strong message that the organization had to re-evaluate its staffing.

In Haiti, the United Nations needed to pare its presence to a level where in a major emergency, all its workers could be evacuated within 24 hours, an agency spokesman said. The U.N. has one helicopter that seats 14 people and can make five trips to the northern city of Cap Haitien in a day.

“The U.N. is not leaving Haiti; we are committed to staying in Haiti,” Ms. Richardson said. “We want to accelerate and intensify humanitarian aid in Haiti. It requires ingenuity and creativity.”

The U.N. feeds 40,000 people a day, she said, adding that she and a skeleton crew of people considered critical to the agency’s work will remain behind.

“We can do this,” Ms. Richardson said.

Leslie Voltaire, who heads the transitional presidential council in Haiti, said many embassies had whittled down their staffs, but said he did not know that BINUH, the U.N. political mission, had left.

Reginald Delva, a security consultant in Haiti and former minister of interior, criticized the departures.

“It’s unfortunate that those who are here to stop the mess are running away from it, leaving a country in total chaos,” he said. “Moving to the north region and leaving a capital in total anarchy is an act of cowardice and can only make it worse.”

Other longtime experts in the country said the evacuations were understandable, but dismaying nonetheless.

“We have seen a ton of embassy and diplomatic evacuations that are not normal,” said David Ellis, who runs a nonprofit medical helicopter service that suspended operations after the F.A.A. grounded flights. “It makes me very concerned that the international community is giving up on Haiti.”

Mr. Ellis left for Georgia.

Pierre Espérance, a leading human rights activist in Port-au-Prince, said at most embassies only the ambassadors and senior staff members remained.

“This week we saw a lot of helicopters. Everyone is gone — Canada, Japan, the U.S.” he said.

“The state has completely collapsed.”

The United Arab Emirates on Monday announced the arrests of three Uzbek nationals in connection with the kidnapping and murder of an Israeli-Moldovan rabbi, an attack that raised alarm over the safety of the small Jewish community in the country.

A statement from the U.A.E.’s interior ministry named the suspects in the abduction and death of Zvi Kogan as Olimboy Tohirovich, Makhmudjon Abdurakhim, both 28, and Azizbek Kamilovich, 33. and included photos of them blindfolded and handcuffed.

Emirati authorities said they were still working to uncover the circumstances and motives of the crime. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel called the murder “an abhorrent antisemitic terrorist attack.”

Rabbi Kogan, 28, went missing on Thursday and was last reported seen in Dubai, the most populous of the nation’s seven emirates, according to an Israeli official. Israeli news outlets have reported that his car was found abandoned in Al Ain, a city in the adjacent emirate of Abu Dhabi, on the border with Oman. His body was found on Sunday.

The rabbi, a dual citizen of Israel and Moldova, worked in the Emirates as part of the Chabad-Lubavitch movement, a Hasidic branch of Orthodox Judaism that conducts Jewish outreach around the world. He also helped manage a kosher supermarket in Dubai’s affluent Al Wasl road neighborhood.

The rabbi’s body was flown back to Israel on Monday night and taken to Kfar Chabad, a Lubavitch town in central Israel. A funeral service was held there in the open air, to accommodate a large crowd, with a steady rain falling.

The rabbi was probably targeted because he was one of the more visible members of the Jewish community, the Israeli official said.

More Israelis and Jews have called the Emirates their home since the oil-rich country formally established ties with Israel in the 2020 Abraham Accords. The Emirates has presented itself as a tolerant country open to multiple faiths. The country’s first synagogue in generations was opened in February 2023 as part of the Abrahamic Family House, an interfaith complex that also includes a mosque and a church.

Yousef al-Otaiba, the Emirates’ ambassador to the United States, denounced Rabbi Kogan’s murder as “a crime against the U.A.E.”

President Ferdinand R. Marcos Jr. of the Philippines said on Monday that he was taking seriously “deeply concerning” threats that had been made against him, days after his vice president said she had arranged for an assassin to kill Mr. Marcos if she were murdered.

In a video address, Mr. Marcos said that “there have been a slew of reckless profanities and threats, including plans to kill some of us.” He did not directly mention Vice President Sara Duterte.

“If it is so easy to threaten the life of a president, how much more for ordinary citizens?” he said. “Such criminal intent should never be tolerated. I will not take this sitting down.”

On Monday, the president’s security was tightened, two days after Ms. Duterte said in a virtual briefing that she had made arrangements for Mr. Marcos, his wife, Liza, and House Speaker Martin Romualdez, who is the president’s cousin, to be murdered if she were killed. Ms. Duterte said on Monday that her remarks had been “maliciously taken out of logical context.”

The Department of Justice said it would issue a subpoena against Ms. Duterte, saying on Monday it will give her five days to explain herself before investigators.

“The premeditated plot to assassinate the president as declared by the self-confessed mastermind will now face legal consequences,” Jesse Andres, the under secretary for the Justice Department, told reporters.

The Philippines is now bracing for a showdown between the Marcoses and the Dutertes. Ms. Duterte’s father, Rodrigo Duterte, was Mr. Marcos’s predecessor as president, and the Dutertes have been complaining publicly about the Marcoses for more than a year.

For a long time, Mr. Marcos remained largely silent about their remarks, including Ms. Duterte’s threat last month to behead him. Analysts say the president’s address on Monday was the clearest sign yet that he intends to confront the threats from the Dutertes directly.

Ms. Duterte made her latest remarks after her chief of staff was detained for contempt of the House of Representatives. The aide, Zuleika Lopez, said she had signed a letter asking state auditors not to comply with a subpoena from the House appropriations panel concerning the alleged misuse of funds by Ms. Duterte. The vice president was particularly incensed that Ms. Lopez was sent to prison.

“This country is going to hell because we are led by a person who doesn’t know how to be a president and who is a liar,” Ms. Duterte said. Then, using a Filipino vulgarity, she mentioned “Martin Romualdez, Liza Marcos, Bongbong Marcos.”

“I’ve already spoken to someone, so don’t worry about my security,” she said. “I told that person to kill B.B.M., Liza Araneta and Martin Romualdez if I were to be slain,” she added, referring to Mr. Marcos by the initials of his nickname. She said she had told a hit man: “After I die, don’t stop until you’ve killed them all.”

When Mr. Marcos and Ms. Duterte were elected in 2022, the two promised national unity. The alliance of their powerful political dynasties was supposed to be formidable: The Dutertes’ stronghold is in the south of the Philippines, and the Marcoses hold sway in the north.

But the marriage of convenience did not last long.

After Ms. Duterte’s speech, the National Security Council said it considered all threats to Mr. Marcos a matter of national security. And the presidential security group said “any threat to the life of the president and the first family, regardless of its origin — and especially one made so brazenly in public — is treated with the utmost seriousness.”

The chief of staff of the Philippine military, Gen. Romeo Brawner Jr., said the military would remain neutral, but he reminded soldiers that they should not be shaken by recent political events and should remain loyal to the Constitution.