Seoul Dec. 4, 1:09 p.m.
Here are the latest developments.
Top aides to President Yoon Suk Yeol of South Korea offered to resign on Wednesday morning as he faced widespread anger over his imposition of martial law overnight, a move that he reversed within hours.
His declaration of martial law — in an unscheduled televised address late Tuesday — incited political chaos within one of America’s closest allies in Asia and evoked memories of the dictatorial postwar regimes that stifled peaceful dissent and created a police state. But Mr. Yoon’s ploy appeared to backfire over the course of one tense night, and before the sun rose in Seoul on Wednesday, he had backed down.
As largely peaceful demonstrations arose in Seoul, the 300-member National Assembly voted 190-0 to rescind martial law, a swift rebuke of Mr. Yoon’s response to the political crisis. Hours later, Mr. Yoon convened his cabinet, which approved the shift.
By Wednesday morning, several senior aides to Mr. Yoon, including his chief of staff, collectively tendered their resignation, according to KBS, South Korea’s national broadcaster, and the Yonhap news agency.
The consequences now are unclear. Thousands of protesters gathered outside the National Assembly, chanting, “End martial law!” Others filled a section of an eight-lane road to call for Mr. Yoon’s arrest. There were protests in downtown Seoul after a trade union with more than a million members declared an “indefinite general strike” to demand Mr. Yoon’s resignation.
Even the leader of Mr. Yoon’s own political party, Han Dong-hoon of the People Power Party, criticized the move, calling his declaration “wrong.” In a show of defiance, Mr. Han shook hands with Lee Jae-myung, the main opposition leader, when lawmakers gathered to vote against martial law.
Mr. Yoon, who is deeply unpopular, accused the opposition of plotting an “insurgency” and “trying to overthrow the free democracy.” Early Wednesday, he characterized his decision as an act “of national resolve against the anti-state forces that are trying to paralyze the essential functions of the state and disrupt the constitutional order of our liberal democracy.”
It was the first time a South Korean president had declared martial law since military dictatorship ended in the country in the late 1980s.
Here’s what else to know:
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Calls for impeachment: The National Assembly can impeach the president if more than two-thirds of lawmakers vote for it. Mr. Yoon’s party controls 108 seats in the 300-member legislature. Thousands of people have held weekend rallies in downtown Seoul in recent months, calling for his impeachment and accusing him of incompetence, corruption and abuse of power.
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Political paralysis: Elected after a close race in 2022, Mr. Yoon has been in a near-constant political standoff with the opposition, which controls the National Assembly. In a nationally televised speech on Tuesday night, he denounced the opposition for repeatedly using its majority to impeach members of his cabinet and block his government’s budget plans.
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U.S. relations: President Biden has put a special emphasis on South Korea, choosing it as the first non-U.S. site for his annual international conclave, the Summit for Democracy. But the American relationship with South Korea could face its biggest test in decades.
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Korean Americans: Across the United States, Korean Americans have been glued to their phones and calling relatives and friends back in South Korea as they try to make sense of the rapidly developing events in Seoul.
John Ismay
The United States and South Korea postoned a high-level meeting Wednesday between military officials to discuss nuclear deterrence issues, according to a U.S. defense official who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss a sensitive matter.
The postponement follows as other governments delay visits and meetings, waiting to see what President Yoon’s future is.
Nearly 300 troops stormed the National Assembly, its secretary general says.
The secretary general of South Korea’s National Assembly, Kim Min-ki, condemned the military on Wednesday morning for breaking into the legislature during President Yoon Suk Yeol’s brief imposition of martial law, saying that nearly 300 troops had stormed the compound.
“I strongly condemn the illegal, unconstitutional actions of the military and the destruction it caused at the National Assembly premises due to President Yoon’s decree of martial law,” Mr. Kim said at a news briefing. He vowed to seek legal remedies for the damage caused, and he said the police, who prevented some lawmakers from entering the building overnight, would be barred from the premises.
Mr. Kim offered the most detailed official account yet of the military’s incursion. About 230 troops were flown by helicopter onto the assembly grounds, and roughly 50 others jumped fences to gain entry, he said. Mr. Kim played closed-circuit footage of soldiers entering the compound, saying that all such video would soon be made public.
As the secretary general, Mr. Kim is nonpartisan, but he was a member of the opposition Democratic Party until last spring.
Many South Koreans saw the military’s storming of the assembly as an attempt to arrest lawmakers, who are empowered by the Constitution to nullify a president’s declaration of martial law.
Legislative aides from both major parties barricaded entrances to the building with chairs and desks, apparently to give lawmakers time to pass such a resolution. Troops smashed windows, and some aides and protesters sprayed them with fire extinguishers, footage broadcast by the domestic news media showed.
The full extent of the damage was not immediately clear as of early Wednesday afternoon.
Hours after Mr. Yoon’s decree late Tuesday night, the 300-member assembly passed the resolution to rescind martial law by a vote of 190-0. The military soon retreated from the compound, and Mr. Yoon convened his cabinet to formally lift the declaration of martial law.
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Victoria Kim
South Korea’s Democratic party said in a statement Wednesday that if President Yoon does not resign they would immediately begin impeachment proceedings. The opposition lawmakers, who control the National Assembly, said Yoon’s use of martial law was unconstitutional, and was “a grave act of insurrection, and clear grounds for impeachment.”
Alexandra E. Petri
As South Korea’s allies monitored the political turmoil there on Wednesday, a spokesman for Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson of Sweden said he had postponed a planned summit with President Yoon later this week.
Martin Fackler
Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba of Japan said he had not yet decided whether to postpone a planned visit to South Korea in January to meet with President Yoon. “We have been watching the situation with particular and grave interest,” he said. Mr. Ishiba has supported closer security ties with South Korea to offset the challenges of China and North Korea.
Korean markets wobbled as investors assessed the country’s political turmoil.
South Korean stocks and the country’s currency fell on Wednesday morning after a tense night during which President Yoon Suk Yeol declared and then lifted martial law.
The benchmark Kospi index fell about 2 percent in midday trading in Seoul. Shares of some of South Korea’s biggest companies were down, with Samsung Electronics losing 1 percent and LG Energy Solution and Hyundai Motor shedding more than 2 percent. Big banks were hit particularly hard, with an index tracking the financial sector dropping 5 percent, a reflection of general economic unease.
After a steep drop overnight, the won bounced from its lows. On Wednesday morning it was trading down by about 1 percent against the dollar since the initial declaration of martial law late Tuesday night.
Just before midnight on Tuesday and early in the morning on Wednesday, South Korea’s finance minister, Choi Sang-mok, convened meetings in Seoul with officials from the central bank and key financial regulators. They pledged to meet daily to “establish a constant risk management system” and provide “unlimited liquidity support” until the stock, bond and currency markets stabilized.
Mr. Choi said on Wednesday that the government would focus on shielding the economy, and that officials would “closely communicate” with the authorities of other countries with major economies. “In any given situation, the government will do its best to address economic concerns and to minimize disruptions in entrepreneurial and daily activities,” he said.
The Bank of Korea called an emergency meeting on Wednesday “given the underlying anxiety in financial and foreign exchange markets,” it said in a statement. The central bank said it would “actively” take various measures to calm markets and currency fluctuations.
“With the solid fundamentals of the Korean economy and its robust external soundness, market sentiment is expected to gradually stabilize,” the bank said. Officials unexpectedly cut interest rates last week, citing “heightened uncertainties surrounding growth and inflation, driven by the new U.S. administration’s policies.”
As opposition lawmakers demanded that President Yoon step down, analysts and investors were trying to gauge how long South Korea’s outbreak of political turmoil would persist.
Market, consumer and business sentiment will likely “take a significant hit” for some time, as it did in 2017, when South Korea’s president was impeached, said Min Joo Kang, a senior economist at ING.
South Korea’s credit rating could also be affected, though that is uncertain at this stage, Ms. Kang said in a note.
“South Korea’s democratic institutions and culture have withstood the stress test,” Krishna Guha, vice chairman of Evercore ISI, wrote in a note. He expected “minimal” disruption to business and supply chains, “but it is extraordinary and troubling that it happened at all,” he added.
Elsewhere in the Asia Pacific region, markets remained relatively calm. Benchmark indexes in Japan, and Australia fell by less than 1 percent on Wednesday. Hong Kong’s main index gained slightly.
Minho Kim contributed reporting.
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Minho Kim
The secretary general of the National Assembly, Kim Min-ki, said that he would hold the military accountable for its role in imposing martial law briefly overnight, including their forced entry to the National Assembly.
Minho Kim
He also said the police would be banned from the assembly building. He gave the first detailed account, as CCTV of the evening played, of what military resources were used overnight: About 230 personnel flew in helicopters to the assembly and then about 50 of them climbed over the fences. He promised to release the full video.
Victoria Kim
Several senior aides to President Yoon, including his chief of staff, collectively tendered their resignation following the martial law declaration, according to KBS, South Korea’s national broadcaster. The top aides included his national security adviser and chief of staff for policy, according to Yonhap news agency.
Minho Kim
South Korea’s financial leaders have moved swiftly to reassure investors. Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok, in a news conference on Wednesday morning, said the government would “closely communicate” with other major economies and will act to limit the impact on the nation’s economy
Minho Kim
The minister, who is also the economy minister, walked out of the news conference without taking any questions. One reporter shouted, “will the entire cabinet resign?” There was no response.
South Korean history is scarred by martial law.
For many younger South Koreans, President Yoon Suk Yeol’s short-lived declaration of martial law late Tuesday night was their first exposure to a kind of turbulence that older generations remember all too well.
Since South Korea was founded in 1948, a number of presidents have declared states of military emergency. The most recent — and the most notorious, perhaps — came after the 1979 assassination of President Park Chung-hee, a former general who had occasionally used martial law himself to crack down on political protests and opposition since seizing power in 1961.
Soon after Mr. Park was killed, a general, Chun Doo-hwan, staged his own coup. In May 1980, he declared martial law, banning all political activities, closing schools and arresting dissidents.
Protests erupted in the southwestern city of Gwangju, and Mr. Chun sent in armored vehicles and paratroopers, who crushed the uprising. Officials said at least 191 people were killed, including 26 soldiers and police officers, but families of slain demonstrators said the death toll was much higher.
Mr. Chun, who remained in power until 1988, characterized the Gwangju protests as a revolt driven by North Korean operatives. But the uprising became a pivotal moment in South Korea’s transition to democracy, and many South Koreans support revising the Constitution to honor its importance to the country.
In 1996, Mr. Chun and another former general, Roh Tae-woo — a childhood friend of Mr. Chun who backed his rule and was directly elected president in 1988 — were prosecuted for the 1979 coup and the deadly crackdown that followed.
President Kim Young-sam, who served from 1993 to 1998, said at the time of the prosecutions that they marked a new era of constitutionalism for Korea. But Mr. Kim pardoned both men the next year, a move aimed at uniting the country.
Shin Woo-jae, a spokesman for President Kim, said the pardons were granted “to promote national reconciliation and rally the nation’s energies to overcome the economic difficulties at this juncture when the nation conducted the cleanest and fairest presidential election in its history.”
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Mike Ives
Protesters have gathered at the edge of Gwanghwamun Square in central Seoul, as the rush hour commute unfolds around them. Some are holding signs calling for President Yoon’s resignation.
Police officers in bright-green vests, some of them holding riot shields, are milling around the square and the entrance to nearby Gyeongbokgung Palace.
Mike Ives
There is a robust protest protest culture in South Korea, and the Gwanghwamun area of Seoul is often thronged with demonstrators on weekends. Many rallies are organized by powerful unions, including the one that declared an “indefinite general strike” on Wednesday. In 2017, massive protests by opponents of President Park Geun-hye triggered her impeachment.
Joe Rennison
The South Korean stock market began the local trading day on Wednesday roughly 1.5 percent lower than it ended on Tuesday, after the whiplash from the president’s decision to declare martial law then reverse it.
Jason Karaian
Reporting from Seoul
There were doubts overnight, but the stock market in Seoul is set to open in about 30 minutes, at 9 a.m. local time. Korean stocks that trade abroad fell, but pared their losses after President Yoon Suk Yeol lifted his emergency martial law declaration. The Korean won has recovered somewhat against the U.S. dollar, losing about 1 percent of its value since Yoon imposed the order.
Jason Karaian
Reporting from Seoul
Financial policymakers held an emergency meeting in Seoul last night, and pledged “unlimited” support to address “potential market instability following the declaration of martial law.” The central bank is set to hold an emergency meeting this morning.
Chang W. Lee
Reporting from Seoul
Protesters in front of the National Assembly in Seoul chanted, “Arrest Yoon Suk Yeol,” and called for his removal from office.
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How polarized politics led South Korea to a plunge into martial law.
Yoon Suk Yeol won South Korea’s highest office in 2022 by a threadbare margin, the closest since his country abandoned military rule in the 1980s and began holding free presidential elections.
Just over two years later, Mr. Yoon’s brief declaration of martial law on Tuesday shocked South Koreans who had hoped that tumultuous era of military intervention was behind them. Thousands of protesters gathered in Seoul to call for his arrest. Their country, regarded as a model of cultural soft power and an Asian democratic stalwart, had suddenly taken a sharp turn in another direction.
But the events that led to Mr. Yoon’s stunning declaration on Tuesday — and his decision six hours later to lift the decree after Parliament voted to block it — were set in motion well before his razor-thin victory. They were a dramatic illustration of South Korea’s bitterly polarized politics and the deep societal discontent beneath the surface of its rising global might.
It all came to a head when Mr. Yoon, once a hard-charging prosecutor who investigated former presidents, found himself on the receiving end of a political onslaught by a galvanized opposition.
Victory, but no mandate
Mr. Yoon, a conservative leader, has never been popular in South Korea. He won election by a margin of only 0.8 percentage points. The vote, analysts said, was more a referendum on his liberal predecessor’s failures than an endorsement of Mr. Yoon.
The bitterness of the campaign was reflected in a statement by Mr. Yoon’s main opponent, Lee Jae-myung, who would go on to lead the opposition to the Yoon government in Parliament.
“I sincerely ask the president-elect to lead the country over the divide and conflict and open an era of unity and harmony,” he said.
Mr. Yoon, 63, was an unlikely figure to guide the nation to reconciliation. As prosecutor general, he helped convict and imprison a former leader of his own party, Park Geun-hye, after her impeachment as president. Specializing in corruption cases, he had also pursued another former president and the head of Samsung.
As Mr. Yoon investigated Ms. Park, the administration he worked for continued a long pattern in South Korea in which new leaders launch inquiries into their predecessors, contributing to the rancorous nature of the country’s politics.
Running for office, Mr. Yoon vehemently criticized his former boss, the progressive president Moon Jae-in, for meeting with North Korea’s leader, Kim Jong-un, but failing to stop his nuclear ambitions. He called for ratcheting up military drills and for strict enforcement of sanctions on the North, envisioning a South Korea that wielded its influence as a major U.S. ally in Asia.
“Peace is meaningless unless it is backed by power,” Mr. Yoon said during the campaign. “War can be avoided only when we acquire an ability to launch pre-emptive strikes and show our willingness to use them.”
The approach won him favor in Washington, where the Biden administration was glad to have South Korea align itself more closely with American positions as a bulwark against China. But it did little for him at home, where he was locked in perpetual war with the opposition even as his domestic challenges mounted.
A cauldron of discontent
Despite South Korea’s growing influence around the world — in business, film, television and music — vertiginous inequality has fueled widespread discontent at home. Skyrocketing home prices have forced people to live in ever-smaller spaces at ever-greater cost. Recent college graduates have struggled to find suitable work, sometimes accusing older generations of locking them out.
Many young people, facing uncertain economic prospects, are reluctant to marry or have children, and the country has both a rapidly aging population and the world’s lowest birthrate. Increasingly, voters have blamed their political opponents, as well as immigrants and feminists.
Critics of Mr. Yoon, whose campaign promised to abolish South Korea’s ministry of gender equality, accused him of playing on some of those divides, saying he stoked biases, especially among young men.
From the start, however, Mr. Yoon faced two obstacles.
The opposition Democratic Party held on to its majority in the National Assembly and then expanded it in parliamentary elections in April, making him the first South Korean leader in decades to never have a majority in Parliament. And then there were his own dismal approval ratings.
Mr. Yoon’s toxic relationship with opposition lawmakers — and their vehement efforts to oppose him at every turn — paralyzed his pro-business agenda for two years, hindering his efforts to cut corporate taxes, overhaul the national pension system and address housing prices.
An election fueled by vitriol
Mr. Yoon’s party had seen the 2024 elections as an opportunity to win back the chamber.
Instead the crises and scandals built. A Halloween celebration became a deadly catastrophe, and North Korea ramped up its threats. Doctors went on strike, describing a medical system of harsh working conditions and low wages. Allegations of corruption involving Mr. Yoon’s wife and a $2,200 Dior pouch roiled his party, with one senior member comparing her to Marie Antoinette.
Protests organized on social media by rival political activists became common, with a rough division of churchgoers and other older citizens on the right, and mostly younger people on the left.
The election devolved into vicious recriminations, with left-wing protesters calling Mr. Yoon a “national traitor” over what they called his anti-feminist policies and attacks on news outlets he accused of spreading “fake news.” They also criticized him for the Halloween crowd crush and his efforts to improve ties with Japan, the onetime colonial ruler of Korea.
Opposition leaders warned that Mr. Yoon was taking South Korea onto the path of “dictatorship.” In turn, members of Mr. Yoon’s party called the opposition “criminals,” and voters on the right rallied against what they called “pro-North Korean communists.”
(Mr. Yoon echoed that language on Tuesday in his declaration of martial law, saying he was issuing it “to protect a free South Korea from the North Korean communist forces, eliminate shameless pro-North Korean and anti-state forces.”)
The election in April ultimately granted the opposition one of the biggest parliamentary majorities in South Korea in decades.
Many South Koreans called it “Judgment Day.” But the outcome also solidified the deadlock in the government, restricting either party’s ability to agree on the national budget or address the public’s complaints. The acrimony only deepened as the opposition moved to impeach several members of Mr. Yoon’s government.
In the aftermath of the April vote, the prime minister and many of the president’s top aides resigned. Mr. Yoon’s chief of staff relayed a message from the president, who was quoted as saying he would “overhaul the way the government is run.”
But by Tuesday night, Mr. Yoon had turned startlingly defiant. He declared that “the National Assembly, which should have been the foundation of free democracy, has become a monster that destroys it.”
Not long after, as protesters rushed to the gates of the National Assembly, lawmakers voted to lift the president’s measure. Mr. Lee, the opposition leader, who survived a stabbing attack in January and later staged a hunger strike against the Yoon government, said Mr. Yoon had “betrayed the people.”
Hours later, Mr. Yoon said he would comply with the legislature’s order. But even then, with his political future now thrown into profound uncertainty, he added a plea.
“I call on the National Assembly,” he said, “to immediately stop the outrageous behavior that is paralyzing the functioning of the country with impeachments, legislative manipulation and budget manipulation.”
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An earlier version of this article misspelled the name of North Korea’s leader. He is Kim Jong-un, not Kim Jung-un.
When we learn of a mistake, we acknowledge it with a correction. If you spot an error, please let us know at nytnews@nytimes.com.Learn more
Choe Sang-Hun
Reporting from Seoul
While lifting martial law, President Yoon did not comment on his political future, only reiterating his demand that the opposition stop using its parliamentary majority to “paralyze” his government. But opposition lawmakers demanded that he step down, calling his martial law “unconstitutional” and a “failed coup.”
Choe Sang-Hun
Reporting from Seoul
The National Assembly can impeach the president if more than two-thirds of lawmakers vote for it. Yoon’s party controls 108 seats in the 300-member legislature. Thousands of people have held weekend rallies in downtown Seoul in recent months, calling for the president’s impeachment and accusing him of incompetence, corruption and abuse of power.
Who is Lee Jae-myung, the South Korean opposition leader?
Minutes after South Korea’s president, Yoon Suk Yeol, declared martial law on Tuesday night through a decree, Lee Jae-myung, the main opposition leader, called on his supporters and members of his party to gather at the National Assembly.
Mr. Lee wanted lawmakers to pass a binding resolution to nullify the martial law decree, and he warned that the president might order the military to arrest them to stop the vote.
“The people should defend this nation,” Mr. Lee said during a live broadcast on social media on his way to the National Assembly in Seoul. “Please come to the National Assembly.” Thousands did.
Here is what to know about Mr. Lee.
From sweatshop worker to politician
Mr. Lee, whose parents cleaned public toilets for a living, spent his teenage years as a sweatshop worker, nearly losing his left hand.
Now 60, he worked for two decades as a labor lawyer defending workers’ rights before entering politics in the mid-2000s and rising up the ranks of the Democratic Party of Korea, becoming a mayor and then a provincial governor.
In April 2020, the Democrats won a supermajority in the National Assembly lasting four years.
Mr. Lee ran for the presidency in 2022, pushing for social programs that were widely popular among his supporters, like universal basic income and personal loans subsidized and backed by the national government.
But he lost narrowly to Mr. Yoon in a contest decided by less than 1 percentage point. Mr. Yoon’s election ensured a divided government in South Korea.
A thorn in Yoon’s side
Instead of stepping aside after his electoral loss, Mr. Lee vaulted back to the center of South Korean politics within a few months. He won a seat in the National Assembly and became leader of his party, making him the central opposition figure in government.
In legislative elections held in April 2024, Mr. Lee led his party to another landslide victory, blowing out Mr. Yoon’s hope that an election victory could give him momentum in executing his agenda, such as health care reform. Mr. Lee tightened his grip on his Democratic Party, which he now leads.
With its supermajority in the National Assembly, Mr. Lee’s Democratic Party has repeatedly blocked Mr. Yoon’s proposed budget for the next year.
The opposition party has also voted to impeach Mr. Yoon’s close allies in the government. Tensions built up between the parties and the two men.
Charges of bribery, and a stabbing
Mr. Lee’s supporters often see him as a strong progressive force capable of breaking through establishment politics in South Korea. But Mr. Lee’s rise in politics has been marked by legal trouble.
In November, a judge found Mr. Lee guilty of lying during the 2022 presidential campaign about a bribery scandal involving development projects when he was mayor of Seongnam. (Under South Korean election law, it is a felony to deliberately lie while on the campaign trail.) He was handed a one-year suspended prison term.
Mr. Lee said he would appeal, but he cannot run for president again in 2027 if he loses the appeal. He has also been indicted on bribery and other criminal charges, accusations he denies.
Mr. Yoon’s conservative People Power Party has denounced Mr. Lee as a “criminal suspect” and has used the indictments in its campaign messaging. Under Mr. Yoon, state prosecutors have pursued Mr. Lee, his wife and his former aides with a series of investigations.
The opposition, in return, has accused Mr. Yoon, who was a prosecutor before he was elected president in 2022, of using the Ministry of Justice to stage Mr. Lee’s political persecution
In January, a disgruntled older man stabbed Mr. Lee in the neck with a knife, saying that South Korea was “in a civil war” and that he wanted to “cut the head” off the country’s “pro-North Korean” left wing.
His assailant was convicted of attempted murder and sentenced to 15 years in prison.
A scramble to defeat a decree of martial law
Before backing down from his martial law order, President Yoon said he was resorting to the extraordinary measure to “eradicate” threats from “the shameless pro-North Korean anti-state forces.”
Mr. Lee quickly called on lawmakers to beat back the order, and many rushed to the assembly to cast their votes. “My colleagues and I will defend our democracy with life,” he said, “but our powers might fall short.”
As parliamentary aides from major parties barricaded key entrances with chairs and desks to borrow time to pass the resolution, armed military personnel tried to enter the assembly building, located in the middle of Seoul’s busy financial district.
Troops smashed windows, leading some aides and opposition supporters to spray the contents of a fire extinguisher at the military, video footage on social media showed.
Jo Seoung-lae, chief spokesman of the Democratic Party, claimed that the military personnel who had entered the National Assembly had been trying to arrest Mr. Lee and other officials.
It was “a coup d’état and a plot to overthrow the government,” Mr. Jo said.
Hours after Mr. Yoon declared martial law, and after a few scuffles, the 300-member National Assembly passed the resolution to rescind martial law by a unanimous vote, 190-0.
Soon, the military retreated from the assembly.
“I still don’t feel like this is real, in the 21st century, in South Korea, but this is happening,” Mr. Lee said before Mr. Yoon said he would gather his cabinet and call off his order imposing martial law.
Choe Sang-Hun contributed reporting.
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Choe Sang-Hun
Reporting from Seoul
President Yoon formally lifted martial law in a cabinet meeting early Wednesday, six hours after he declared it, according to the government. The South Korean military said that all troops mobilized under martial law have returned to their units.
Korean Americans are trying to make sense of events in Seoul.
Across the United States, Korean Americans have been glued to their phones and calling relatives and friends back in South Korea as they try to make sense of the rapidly developing events in Seoul.
Abraham Kim, the executive director of the Council of Korean Americans, said that the organization was “watching closely” and holding out “hope for Korea to maintain a strong democracy and for martial law to end peacefully.”
Jongjoon Kim, 56, who owns an insurance agency in Annandale, Va., said that he had been “surprised and shocked” when he first learned about President Yoon Suk Yeol’s declaration of martial law. Since moving to the United States in 1998 to pursue graduate studies, Mr. Kim said he has not followed politics back in the country where he grew up as closely as he once did.
But seeing the images of demonstrations outside the National Assembly in Seoul transported him back to the 1980s, when he and other university students protested in the streets against the repressive military dictator Chun Doo-hwan.
Back then, he said, Mr. Kim felt fearful for the fate of the protesters and for South Korea. But this time around, he said he was confident that the country’s democratic institutions could weather the storm. If anything, Mr. Kim, who identifies as a Democrat, said he was more concerned about the uncertain political situation in the United States as President-elect Donald J. Trump prepares to begin his second term.
Still, he said, the political situation in Seoul was “kind of shameful.” In the decades since Mr. Kim left South Korea, the country had achieved so much, he said.
Economic prosperity. A Nobel Prize-winning author. K-pop as a global phenomenon.
“I don’t know why the politics is going back to the ’80s,” Mr. Kim said.
Homeland politics have long been a source of interest among Korean Americans, as they are in most diaspora communities. More than 1.8 million Korean Americans live in the United States, making up one of the country’s largest Asian American groups. Most are first-generation immigrants who emigrated from South Korea to pursue educational or job opportunities in the three decades after a landmark 1965 immigration law was passed, settling in places like California, New York, Northern Virginia, and more recently in metro Atlanta.
Many have maintained ties with family and friends in South Korea and still closely follow politics there by reading one of the many Korean-language newspapers published within the diaspora community. And while there have been bitter political divisions in the community at times, the reaction among Korean Americans on the issue of Mr. Yoon and martial law seemed at least initially to be unified.
“It doesn’t matter if they’re conservative or if they’re progressive,” said Chang Yul Lee, a reporter and a deputy editor with the Washington edition of The Korea Times. “Everyone is saying the president is crazy.”
Chang W. Lee
Reporting from Seoul
Kang Min Ki, 20, and Lee Tae Yun, 20, university students from Incheon, South Korea, celebrated outside the National Assembly in Seoul on Wednesday after President Yoon said he would lift the emergency declaration of martial law.
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President Yoon’s speech walking back his martial law order.
President Yoon Suk Yeol of South Korea delivered the following address on Wednesday morning.
I declared emergency martial law at 11 p.m. last night as an act of national resolve against the anti-state forces that are trying to paralyze the essential functions of the state and disrupt the constitutional order of our liberal democracy.
However, a short time ago, the National Assembly demanded that martial law be lifted, so I withdrew the military forces that had been deployed to carry out martial law. I will lift martial law as soon as we have a quorum in the cabinet. It’s early in the morning, so we don’t have a quorum yet.
But I call on the National Assembly to immediately stop the outrageous behavior that is paralyzing the functioning of the country with impeachments, legislative manipulation and budget manipulation.
Thank you.
Choe Sang-Hun
Reporting from Seoul
President Yoon said he was waiting for members of his cabinet to arrive so that he could formally lift martial law, which had been in place for five and a half hours.
Choe Sang-Hun
Reporting from Seoul
President Yoon said he would end martial law as soon as he convened his cabinet. He said troops had withdrawn from the National Assembly after lawmakers passed a resolution demanding an end to martial law.
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Western allies and the U.N. are keeping a worried eye on the crisis.
The United States, Britain and the United Nations expressed alarm on Tuesday after President Yoon Suk Yeol of South Korea declared emergency martial law, prompting street protests and a vote by national lawmakers to lift the order.
In announcing martial law, Mr. Yoon, who is a deeply unpopular and divisive leader to many in South Korea, accused the opposition of plotting an “insurgency” and “trying to overthrow the free democracy.”
After Mr. Yoon issued his decree, security forces cordoned off the National Assembly building, but a number of lawmakers were able to gain entry and quickly voted to reverse the presidential order. Thousands of protesters gathered outside the assembly complex in largely peaceful demonstrations.
Hours after the vote, Mr. Yoon said he would lift the emergency declaration of martial law as soon as he could convene his cabinet. He said military forces that had been deployed to enforce the decree had also been withdrawn.
The United States, a close ally of South Korea’s, was watching the events “with grave concern,” the deputy secretary of state, Kurt Campbell, said on Tuesday, before Mr. Yoon said he was lifting martial law. He said that U.S. officials “at every level” were reaching out to their counterparts in Washington and Seoul.
Mr. Campbell said that the U.S.-South Korea alliance was “ironclad, and we stand by Korea in their time of uncertainty.” He added that the Biden administration had “every hope and expectation that any political disputes will be resolved peacefully and in accordance with the rule of law.”
The United States maintains a military force in South Korea, a legacy of the long-dormant conflict with North Korea, and South Korea is a key part of Washington’s web of alliances around the Pacific.
A Pentagon spokesman, Maj. Gen. Patrick S. Ryder, said on Tuesday that there had been no change in the U.S. military presence in South Korea.
Mr. Yoon, who was honored at a state dinner at the White House in April 2023, did not notify the United States in advance of his decision to declare martial law, according to a State Department spokesman, Vedant Patel.
Asked by a reporter in Washington about the National Assembly vote to lift martial law, Mr. Patel said, “Certainly, it is our hope and expectation that the laws and regulations of a particular country are abided by — by that particular country.”
Britain’s minister for the Indo-Pacific, Catherine West, said in a statement that Britain was “deeply concerned” by the events in South Korea.
“Our Embassy in Seoul continues to monitor developments and is in touch with the Korean authorities,” she said in the statement, which was issued before Mr. Yoon said he had decided to lift martial law. “We call for a peaceful resolution to the situation, in accordance with the law and the constitution of the Republic of Korea.”
A United Nations spokesman, Stéphane Dujarric, said the global body was monitoring the situation “very closely, with concern.” Mr. Dujarric said that events in South Korea were unfolding too quickly for the United Nations to have a clear assessment of the crisis.
Michael Crowley contributed reporting.
Minho Kim
The Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, one of the largest unions and the country’s most militant labor group, declared an “indefinite general strike” until “the resignation of President Yoon.” The confederation has more than a million union members, who include assembly line workers of Hyundai Motors. According to a statement issued by the labor group, union members will gather in downtown Seoul early Wednesday to demand Yoon’s resignation.
Minho Kim
The chief spokesman of the opposition Democratic Party of Korea, Jo Seoung-lae, said that the military personnel who entered the National Assembly premises tried to arrest the opposition leader, Lee Jae-myung; the ruling party leader, Han Dong-hoon; and the speaker of the National Assembly, Woo Won-shik.
Minho Kim
Jo said the party “confirmed” such efforts after reviewing closed circuit camera footage. “Trying to disable” the National Assembly’s authority to call off the martial law decree “is a coup d’etat and a plot to overthrow the government,” Jo said.
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Chang W. Lee
Reporting from Seoul
The mood outside the National Assembly is noticeably calmer at 4 a.m. Many police officers have left. Military vehicles have withdrawn. A few hundred protesters are still here.
Chang W. Lee
Reporting from Seoul
Military vehicles leaving the scene slowly made their way through a dense crowd of police and protesters after the National Assembly voted to end President Yoon Suk Yeol’s decree of martial law.
The declaration of martial law tests Biden and a key U.S. alliance.
For decades, South Korea has been one of the most important U.S. allies in Asia — not only because nearly 30,000 American troops are stationed there, but also because it stands as a beacon of democracy in a region where powerful authoritarian nations vie with democratic ones.
President Biden has put a special emphasis on South Korea, choosing it as the first non-U.S. site for his annual international conclave, the Summit for Democracy. And in 2023, he hosted President Yoon Suk Yeol for a state dinner at the White House, where the tuxedo-clad Mr. Yoon sang “American Pie” to an adoring audience. Mr. Biden has also relied on Mr. Yoon to provide munitions for Ukraine’s defense against the Russian invasion.
Now, with Mr. Yoon having imposed martial law after wildly accusing the opposition party of conspiring with North Korea to undermine him, the American relationship with South Korea could face its biggest test in decades.
And Mr. Biden, who has used democracy versus autocracy as a defining framework of his foreign policy, will have to make hard choices on how to handle the crisis, after years of cultivating relations with Mr. Yoon, a conservative leader, and enhancing military ties to better counter China, North Korea and Russia.
Mr. Yoon’s move appeared to catch the Biden administration by surprise. Hosting Mr. Yoon at the White House in April 2023, Mr. Biden told Mr. Yoon that the two men “both understand that our democracies and our people are our greatest sources of strength.”
On Tuesday afternoon in Washington, the White House National Security Council released a terse statement, using an abbreviation for South Korea’s formal name, the Republic of Korea: “The administration is in contact with the R.O.K. government and is monitoring the situation closely as we work to learn more. The U.S. was not notified in advance of this announcement. We are seriously concerned by the developments we are seeing on the ground in the R.O.K.”
Officials said that aides had briefed Mr. Biden, who was visiting Angola.
Events moved quickly in Seoul early on Wednesday. The National Assembly voted to end martial law, and members of Mr. Yoon’s party did not come out in support of him, prompting Mr. Yoon to back down.
Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken said in a statement hours later that he welcomed Mr. Yoon’s rescinding of the order, and he reaffirmed support for the Korean people and for the U.S.-South Korea alliance “based on shared principles of democracy and the rule of law.”
But analysts said they expected weeks of political conflict, including possible impeachment proceedings against Mr. Yoon.
“It was a gamble he took to try to impose political control at a time when he feels frustrated by his inability to carry out his vision for the country,” said Jean H. Lee, a Korea expert at the East-West Center in Hawaii.
“But at the end of the day,” she added, “President Yoon values South Korea’s alliance with the United States, its place in the world as a leading global economy and its reputation as a vibrant democracy in Asia.”
South Korea had long periods of military rule after the Korean War halted with an armistice in 1953, and it did not become a democracy until 1987.
There was speculation in Washington that Mr. Yoon might have chosen this moment because the U.S. government is in a transition from the Biden administration to the second Trump one, and because Mr. Biden is overseas. Mr. Yoon, a first-term president who barely won the 2022 election, has a low approval rating, and his move against the opposition party and the legislature has echoes of the effort by Donald J. Trump to prevent Mr. Biden from taking office after he won the 2020 election.
President-elect Donald J. Trump had no immediate reaction on Tuesday, and it is unclear how he might view Mr. Yoon’s move. The South Korean leader has been determined to court Mr. Trump, who often gripes that Seoul should pay Washington billions more for the presence of American troops. Mr. Yoon’s office even disclosed that he was working on his long-dormant golf game so that he could hit the links with Mr. Trump.
At a U.S.-Japan diplomatic event in Washington, Kurt M. Campbell, the deputy secretary of state and former Asia adviser to Mr. Biden, said that “our alliance with the R.O.K. is ironclad, and we stand by Korea in their time of uncertainty.”
He added that “we have every hope and expectation that any political disputes will be resolved peacefully and in accordance with the rule of law.”
Joseph Yun, a former ambassador and special envoy for North Korea in the Trump administration, said in an interview that Mr. Yoon’s move was an earthquake in domestic politics and would raise doubts about him among allied nations.
“This is a big indictment domestically and internationally of Yoon’s judgment,” he said.
The upheaval is particularly stinging for an American president who has made the promotion of democracy one of his top priorities, in part because of the rise of anti-democratic forces in the United States. Seoul hosted this year’s installment of the global democracy summit that Mr. Biden launched three years ago.
At the opening ceremony in Seoul, Mr. Blinken hailed South Korea as a democratic model, saying that it was fitting, “even a little bit poignant,” that the country was hosting the event.
South Korea, Mr. Blinken noted proudly, was “a nation that transformed, over a single generation, into one of the strongest, most dynamic democracies in the world, a champion of democracy for the world.”
The declaration of martial law also raises questions about what the Pentagon might do in an unstable South Korea with its nearly 30,000 troops and assets in the country. United States Forces Korea operates under the Indo-Pacific Command and in coordination with the South Korean military. American soldiers are posted by the Demilitarized Zone between North and South Korea and in bases elsewhere in South Korea, including in Seoul, where U.S. soldiers walk the streets in uniform.
One of Mr. Biden’s main strategies for trying to establish deterrence against China and North Korea has been to build up military relations with allies in Asia. He established a new trilateral security partnership with South Korea and Japan. Last year, he hosted Mr. Yoon and Fumio Kishida, then the prime minister of Japan, at Camp David in Maryland to announce the new arrangement, an important achievement given the historical enmity between South Korea and Japan.
Mr. Biden called the two nations “capable and indispensable allies.”
In his remarks, Mr. Yoon said that “the ties between our three countries, which are the most advanced liberal democracies in the region and major economies leading advanced technology and scientific innovation, are more important than ever.”
The three nations, he added, have proclaimed they “will bolster the rules-based international order and play key roles to enhance regional security and prosperity based on our shared values of freedom, human rights and rule of law.”
Adding to the uncertainty are questions about Mr. Trump’s plans for the Korean Peninsula.
In his first term as president, Mr. Trump rattled South Korea’s political leadership with complaints that Seoul should be paying more to the United States for the presence of American troops, a position he has reiterated in recent months.
The Biden administration signed an agreement with South Korea in early October under which Seoul will pay about $1.1 billion per year to defray the cost of maintaining U.S. troops in the country — a policy that American presidents have supported for decades in the name of national security, not profit.
Soon after, Mr. Trump declared that South Korea, which he called “a money machine,” would be “paying us $10 billion a year” if he were president. The latest security agreement struck with the Biden administration lasts from 2026 to 2030, although Mr. Trump could insist on renegotiating it.
Mr. Trump also invested months in a dramatic personal courtship of the North Korean leader, Kim Jong-un, whom he tried without success to persuade to shutter Pyongyang’s nuclear weapons program. Mr. Trump had a partner in President Moon Jae-in of South Korea, who wanted rapprochement with North Korea.
Mr. Yoon has taken a harder line toward Mr. Kim, although he has said he is open to talks if Mr. Kim shows a willingness to denuclearize. But Mr. Kim has adopted a more bellicose attitude toward South Korea and the United States, and has not shown any desire for diplomacy. He signed a mutual defense treaty with Russia this year, and sent troops to help the Russian military in its war against Ukraine.
As for Mr. Trump, his own intentions about possibly renewing dialogue with Mr. Kim are unclear. But Mr. Yun, the veteran diplomat, said he expected Mr. Trump to try to engage again in one-on-one diplomacy.
“He likes a deal,” Mr. Yun said. “Everyone has said this is a difficult deal, and he likes to deliver on a difficult deal.”
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Minho Kim
The leader of the President Yoon’s party in the National Assembly, Choo Kyung-ho, told reporters that he was not notified about Yoon’s intention to declare martial law and learned about the president’s action “through news reports.” He also said many members of his party could not enter the National Assembly to vote against the martial law decree because the military and police blocked lawmakers from entering the parliament premises.
Choe Sang-Hun
Reporting from Seoul
Armed martial law troops, as well as police officers, withdrew from inside the National Assembly building, according to National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik and local media. But President Yoon has yet to respond to the Assembly’s demand for an end to martial law.
Reporting from Seoul
The nation’s constitution states that when the National Assembly requests the lifting of a martial law via vote, “the president shall comply.” It’s been two hours since lawmakers voted to request the order be lifted. President Yoon has not issued any statements after the vote.
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A Geopolitical Cauldron Simmers in Syria After Rebel Attacks
The timing appeared to be both calculated and opportunistic.
As soon as a deal to end fighting between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon was signed last week, another conflict kicked off not far away in Syria.
Syrian rebels launched sweeping assaults against the forces of President Bashar al-Assad in northwestern Syria, taking control of large portions of territory, including much of the city of Aleppo.
The rebels also forced Russian forces to abandon a base near Aleppo and militias backed by Iran to cede control of the town of Tel Rifaat, a Syrian outpost near the Turkish border, according to Syrian humanitarian and research groups.
The sudden advance of the rebels, and the setback for Mr. al-Assad and his allies, has stoked a cauldron of geopolitical rivalries that has simmered in Syria for more than a decade after a democracy uprising in 2011 turned into full-scale rebellion.
It has also underlined how easy it is for violence to spread like wildfire across a volatile region made all the more unpredictable by the intertwining and competing interests of numerous large powers vying for influence.
Iran and Russia, hoping to prop up a key ally in the region, have been providing vital military support to Mr. al-Assad’s government for years. Russian planes have bombed rebel positions, while on the ground, Iranian-backed militias like the Lebanon-based Hezbollah have battled rebel fighters in support of the Syrian government.
Turkey and the United States also have troops present in Syria in areas not controlled by the government where they support different rebel groups — Turkey in the northwestern region, and the United States in the northeast.
In the offensive that began last week, various Syrian rebel groups have united under the leadership of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, a former affiliate of the terrorist group Al Qaeda. Hayat Tahrir al-Sham had been controlling most of the territory in northwestern Syria held by opposition groups.
The rebels had clearly seized an opportunity that presented itself with the Syrian government, Russia and Iran all weakened and overstretched by other conflicts, said Mouaz Moustafa, the executive director of the Syrian Emergency Task Force, an American humanitarian organization that works for democracy in Syria.
Mr. Moustafa said the rebels had taken close note of the damage caused by pager attacks targeting Hezbollah members in Lebanon, and Israeli airstrikes on leaders of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps in Syria. Those attacks signaled to the rebels that the time was right for one of their own assaults, he said.
He added that a desire to aid Ukraine was another factor prompting the offensive, with the aim of striking a blow against Russia, a mutual enemy, he said.
Mr. Moustafa said he had been aware of preparations to coordinate an offensive in recent weeks. “I knew they had been making plans,” he said in a telephone interview, “but what surprised me was that they took Aleppo in two days.”
Understanding Syria’s Civil War
An enduring conflict. The Syrian war began in 2011 with a peaceful uprising against the government and spiraled into a multisided conflict involving armed rebels, extremists and others. Here is what to know:
The surge in fighting has raised questions for the first time in years about how far the rebels can go and how strong Mr. al-Assad’s grip on power is. And it may disrupt the gradual trend toward acceptance internationally of Mr. al-Assad’s remaining as leader of Syria and the resumption of diplomatic relations with Syria among Arab states and some European nations.
Both Russia and Iran have declared their support for Mr. al-Assad, but beyond several Russian airstrikes on the cities of Idlib and Aleppo, which are both in rebel hands, analysts are questioning how much assistance they will be able to deliver in the immediate term.
Arab states have expressed concern about Syria’s sovereignty being respected, which analysts said was a diplomatic way of criticizing Turkey’s continuing role in backing rebel groups for its own interests.
“Concern in the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Iraq & Israel over the potential collapse of the Assad regime & Turkish expansion in Syria,” Hassan I. Hassan, a prominent Syrian journalist and editor of New Lines Magazine, posted on the social media platform X.
Iran’s military activity in Syria has been diminished by Israeli airstrikes that have increased in frequency and potency in the past year. The strikes have knocked out weapons supplies and militia groups as well as killed leaders of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps who command Iranian militias in Syria and work closely with Syrian military divisions.
The strikes have not only damaged Iran’s freedom to operate in Syria, but have also created suspicion between the allies and their hosts, some Syrian analysts said.
The rebels’ success in securing important military points in and around Aleppo in the past few days, including a military academy on the outskirts of the city, has allowed them to consolidate control, the Omran Center for Strategic Studies, an independent research group based in Istanbul that focuses on Syria, said in a report on Sunday. It also potentially paves the way for new offensive operations, the report said.
“Russia faces a genuine predicament due to the growing challenges of adapting to the evolving battlefield realities, further complicating its ability to provide effective support to the regime,” the center said.
Turkey and the United States both support armed groups in Syria that have fought against groups backed by Russia and Iran.
Turkey supports the Syrian National Army, which is part of the rebel force fighting in Aleppo. It has long been focused on expanding a buffer zone along its border with Syria to guard against the activities of Kurdish militants based in the region that it sees as a threat. It also wants to create an area where it can resettle some of the three million refugees who have fled Syria and are living in Turkey.
The American forces in Syria work with the Kurds, and have armed and equipped a predominantly Kurdish militia, the Syrian Democratic Forces, to fight against the Islamic State, the extremist group that is also active in the region. Both Turkish and American forces have clashed with Russian forces on occasion in Syria.
Despite their dispute over American support for the Kurdish force, Turkey and the United States have managed to avoid direct clashes between their operations in Syria. The Syrian forces allied to each of them negotiated for the Kurdish troops to withdraw from positions without a fight, Mr. Moustafa said.
Mr. Moustafa said there had been and continued to be coordination between the rebels and Ukraine on such issues as countering Russian misinformation and providing medical assistance.
“Two nations are fighting for their country to be free of tyranny and outside occupation,” he said. “It’s natural for them to coordinate.”
Ukrainian officials have not commented on the Syrian offensive, but Kyrylo Budanov, the head of Ukraine’s military intelligence agency, has repeatedly said his forces would seek to attack Russian forces anywhere in the world.
Syrians watching events from outside the country describe this offensive, including the negotiated withdrawals, as distinct from previous periods of fighting. Few believe the government can retake lost territory quickly because of low morale in the army and in government-controlled parts of the country.
In those areas, many people, including government officials, have been reduced to poverty, and that is one of the reasons for the swift collapse of the government forces, analysts say.
Ruhullah Khapalwak and Saad Alnassife contributed reporting.
Why Israel and Hezbollah Are Still Firing Amid a Cease-Fire
A deal to end the fighting between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon went into effect last Wednesday, but already there have been multiple claims of cease-fire violations by either side.
They have continued to fire on each other, though at a far less intense pace, raising questions about the durability of the truce.
Here’s what to know.
No one is saying the deal has collapsed.
“I’ve been around Lebanon cease-fire agreements for decades, and there was no cease-fire agreement that wasn’t initially broken,” said Aaron David Miller, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment and a former State Department Middle East analyst and negotiator.
The real question, he suggested, is whether the parties have the will to absorb violations and exercise restraint while they get through the initial 60-day phase.
Both sides are making claims of violations.
In statements over the weekend, the Israeli military said it had carried out strikes to enforce cease-fire violations, including killing Hezbollah militants and bombing the group’s facilities.
On Monday, Hezbollah said — and Israel confirmed — that it had fired munitions into a border area known as Shebaa Farms in response to a series of Israeli cease-fire violations, including airstrikes and shootings, over the previous days. It was the first time since the cease-fire that Hezbollah fired into Israel-controlled land. Both Lebanon and Israel claim Shebaa Farms as their own. Hezbollah said the strike was meant as a warning.
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Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, called the Hezbollah strike “a severe violation of the cease-fire” and pledged in a statement on Monday that Israel “will respond forcefully.”
After the strike on Shebaa Farms, the Israeli military said that it had bombarded targets in Lebanon. Israeli strikes on Monday, including those in response to Hezbollah’s actions, killed at least 11 people, said Lebanon’s health ministry, which does not distinguish between civilians and combatants.
What the cease-fire deal really says.
Even amid the strikes, the fragile truce apparently remains in place, and experts say that it could still stick.
Under the terms of the deal, which was brokered by the United States and France, Israel has 60 days to withdraw its military from Lebanon, while Hezbollah is supposed to withdraw north of the Litani River, leaving a buffer in southern Lebanon between the militant group and Israel’s northern border. The Lebanese Army, which is not a party to the conflict, is supposed to oversee and enforce security there.
The Israeli withdrawal is expected to happen in phases. The details are not yet worked out and are supposed to be negotiated with the Lebanese Army and overseen by an international committee chaired by the United States. Israeli officials have said repeatedly that during that time they will respond to any provocation, and they have told civilians not to return yet to southern Lebanon.
The implementation period was written into the deal for a reason, Mr. Miller said. “Hiccups, glitches and violations” are to be expected in the early days — and no one can say yet what that will mean for the ultimate viability of the deal, he said.
“If you can get through 60 days without a collapse of the agreement, then you will have a strategic pause,” he said, which might prove to be viable long-term.
Can the deal hold, even with violations?
The initial claims of infractions show the fragility of the deal and the difficulty of enforcing agreements under international law more broadly, said Jennifer Kavanagh, a senior fellow and director of military analysis at Defense Priorities, a foreign policy institute in Washington. It’s one thing to sign an agreement, she said, and altogether another to enforce it.
Under the terms of the agreement, both Israel and Lebanon can exercise their right to self defense, as long as it’s consistent with international law. The details and enforcement mechanisms remain hazy.
The United States and France, alongside the United Nations, are supposed to play a role in assessing violations. But it is not clear whether any mechanisms are fully in place at this point or how they are supposed to work.
Israel’s leaders have said they will “enforce” the deal militarily, arguing that even small violations could embolden the Lebanese armed group.
Despite the uncertainties, the fact that Israel and Lebanon reached an agreement, and that Hezbollah, which is backed by Iran, said it would abide by the terms, shows that — for now — all involved see benefit to a pause, experts said.
Ms. Kavanagh said she expected violations and failures but was not entirely pessimistic, because all sides “have incentives to make it work.”
The conflict may not be resolved in the long run, Mr. Miller said, but he advised against being overly swayed by daily headlines about violations.
For now, he said, “commitments will be measured over a two-month period.”
Aaron Boxerman and Euan Ward contributed reporting.
In Angola, Biden Warns That Slavery’s History Should Not Be Erased
When American presidents visit another country, they typically like to highlight the positive history they share. But as the first leader of the United States to visit Angola, President Biden opted instead to focus on the most bitter chapter that connects the United States and this giant southern African nation.
At the National Museum of Slavery in the capital, Luanda, Mr. Biden recalled in a speech on Tuesday the slave trade that once defined relations between America and Angola. More Africans sold into slavery in the United States came from this part of the continent than from anywhere else, scholars say, a legacy of inhumanity that remains relevant four centuries later.
The president’s decision to emphasize that connection served not only as a nod to the injustices inflicted on generations of Africans, but also as a statement of principle in the contemporary debate underway in his own country about how to teach and remember history. At a time when some Republicans have sought to limit instruction about slavery and other shameful chapters of American history, Mr. Biden argued for confronting the past.
“I have learned that while history can be hidden, it cannot and should not be erased,” the president told an audience at the museum, where he was joined by several Black Americans whose descendants were enslaved in Angola and trafficked across the Atlantic Ocean. “It should be faced. It’s our duty to face our history — the good, the bad and the ugly, the whole truth. That’s what great nations do.”
Speaking under a rainy sky on a stretch of the Atlantic Ocean coast where enslaved people were forced onto ships, Mr. Biden called slavery “cruel, brutal, dehumanizing, our nation’s original sin, original sin, one that haunted America and cast a long shadow ever since.” And while the United States has never fully “lived up to that idea” of a truly equal society, he said, “we’ve never fully walked away from it, either.”
Among those on hand for Mr. Biden’s visit was Wanda Tucker, a descendant of William Tucker, believed to be the first enslaved child born in the United States. His parents were brought from Angola to colonial Virginia in 1619 aboard the White Lion, a Portuguese ship. The William Tucker 1624 Society was organized to research and share the stories of the first enslaved people brought to Virginia.
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“It’s incredibly awesome to have the president of the United States to come to the homeland where the first enslaved people were taken from,” Ms. Tucker said in an interview outside the museum, which was founded in 1977 and will receive a U.S. grant of $229,000 to support restoration and conservation.
“It’s even more important because we have to keep the history and the story going wherever there are opportunities to tell the story,” Ms. Tucker said.
While many Americans focus on countries like Senegal and Ghana when tracing the history of slavery, Angola was a major center for the capture and sale of human beings. As many as 6 million people were kidnapped from this part of Africa, forced to march as much as 100 miles and loaded onto ships to the Western Hemisphere. Slavery “would decimate the Angolan population for over 300 years,” Daniel Metcalfe wrote in “Blue Dahlia, Black Gold,” his 2013 book on modern Angola.
About a quarter of all enslaved Africans forced to go to the United States came from the area that includes modern-day Angola, according to SlaveVoyages, a digital database. Today, there are nearly 12 million Americans of Angolan descent, according to the U.S. government.
Long before coming to Angola for the first and only trip to sub-Saharan Africa of his presidency, Mr. Biden had taken steps to reckon with the history of racism and slavery in America.
Shortly after he came into office, he made Juneteenth a federal holiday to commemorate the end of slavery in the United States. His vice president, Kamala Harris, in 2023 visited the Cape Coast Castle in Ghana, a site used for the slave trade in the 17th century.
Mr. Biden also has at times expressed concern over the attempts in the United States to restrict how the less-flattering parts of American history are taught. He screened the movie “Till,” about the 1955 murder of Emmett Till, a Black 14-year-old, in the same White House theater where, in 1915, President Woodrow Wilson premiered “The Birth of a Nation,” a film celebrating the Ku Klux Klan.
Mr. Biden later established a national monument honoring the slain teenager and his mother, Mamie Till-Mobley, just as Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida came under fire after education officials in his state decreed that middle schoolers should be taught that enslaved people benefited by developing skills from slavery.
In May, Mr. Biden spoke to a crowd at the National Museum of African American History and Culture to celebrate the 70th anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education, the landmark civil rights ruling that outlawed racially segregated schools. As a senator, Mr. Biden cosponsored legislation to establish the museum.
But in his speech on Tuesday, Mr. Biden also pivoted forward to stress how far the United States and Africa had come since those days of misery. He pointed to U.S. investments and other commitments to the continent, where Angola is an important source of oil and minerals.
Mr. Biden met with President João Lourenço, who has made a point of bolstering relations with the United States and visited the White House during Mr. Biden’s term. Like other presidents, Mr. Biden said he had worked to transform the relationship with Africa from one based on aid to one based on trade.
“The United States is expanding our relationship all across Africa from assistance to aid, investment to trade, moving from patrons to partners to help bridge the infrastructure gap,” he said. “The right question in the year 2024 is not what can the United States do for the people of Africa. It’s what can we do together for the people of Africa.”
Mr. Lourenço welcomed his guest, saying that Mr. Biden’s decision to visit Angola marked a “turning point” for the two nations. He applauded Mr. Biden’s “great contribution” to the development of Angola through the Lobito Corridor project, a U.S.-funded rail line that will link Angola with Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Left unmentioned both in public and in the private meeting with Mr. Lourenço, according to American officials, was the incoming president, Donald J. Trump, whose imminent takeover of the White House has loomed over Mr. Biden’s visit. Mr. Trump never visited Africa while president, and referred to some of its countries using an epithet.
Mr. Biden brought with him a delegation of American political, civic and business leaders.
“It’s important that we’re here because of the historical significance, but the president also made a commitment to look at Africa, to invest in Africa,” Derrick Johnson, the president of the N.A.A.C.P., said in an interview. “We need to work with the African nations to rebuild and strengthen the infrastructure.”
Hospitals have been ripped apart by airstrikes. Nearly 50,000 people have fled their homes, and tens of thousands lack running water. Civilians are being laid out in body bags on hospital floors after shells struck their neighborhoods.
Scenes from the bloodiest days of Syria’s civil war, which had lain largely dormant for several years, are now repeating themselves in the country’s northwest as pro-government forces try to beat back a surprise rebel offensive, according to aid workers, a war monitor and the United Nations, who warned of a rapidly worsening humanitarian situation.
Conditions were already dire for civilians in the area: Years of war and a powerful February 2023 earthquake had led to crushing poverty, displacement and breakdowns in services. But over the last several days, the region’s misery deepened as Russian and Syrian fighter jets have repeatedly struck Idlib and Aleppo in northwestern Syria and rebels fought to capture more territory.
The United Nations said more than 50 airstrikes had hit Idlib Province in northwestern Syria on Sunday and Monday. Four health facilities, four schools and two camps housing people displaced from earlier phases of the conflict suffered damage, it said.
Stéphane Dujarric, a U.N. spokesman, said in a briefing Monday night that a strike on a water station had also cut off access for at least 40,000 people. And the Norwegian Refugee Council, which provides aid in the region, said its humanitarian workers were reporting that bakeries and shops had shut down in Aleppo, leading to food shortages.
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NATO’s new top diplomat suggested on Tuesday that Ukraine should put off any peace talks with Russia until Western allies can send enough military aid to help Kyiv push ahead on the battlefield and garner a stronger negotiating position.
Mark Rutte, the NATO secretary general, said it was up to Ukraine to decide when it was ready to begin negotiations with Russia in a war that has dragged on for nearly three years.
But with U.S. President-elect Donald J. Trump vowing to secure a quick cease-fire that officials in Kyiv fear would be favorable to Russia — and despite war fatigue hanging over parts of Europe — Mr. Rutte urged the military alliance’s members to step up shipments of weapons, ammunition and air defenses before they try working toward a truce.
“Let’s not have all these discussions, step by step, on what a peace process might look like,” Mr. Rutte said ahead of two days of meetings of foreign ministers, including Ukraine’s, at NATO headquarters in Brussels. “Make sure that Ukraine has what it needs to get to a position of strength when those peace talks start.”
“So I would say more military aid, and less discussions on what the peace process could look like,” Mr. Rutte added.
His comments came even as President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine has recently shifted his public stance on a potential peace deal. After years of insisting that Ukraine would cede no territory to Russia in a deal, he has recently signaled that Ukraine would be willing to do so — for now, at least — in return for NATO membership.
While NATO membership remains unlikely while the war is ongoing, Mr. Zelensky’s rhetoric is a marked change. Officials in Kyiv have even provided a rationale that could potentially allow them to temporarily cede territory, asserting that Russian-controlled land in Ukraine would not be internationally recognized as part of Russia.
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On Sunday, Mr. Zelensky also admitted that Ukraine’s army couldn’t liberate some of the estimated 20 percent of its territory that Russia occupies, including Crimea. “Our army lacks the strength to do that,” Mr. Zelensky told the Japanese news agency, Kyodo News.
Mr. Zelensky has remained adamant, though, that Ukraine must become a full member of NATO immediately to guarantee its security, even if Russian-occupied areas do not receive full alliance protection.
In a statement Tuesday, Ukraine’s foreign ministry pointedly cited a 1994 treaty that guaranteed the country’s peace and territorial sovereignty in exchange for giving up its nuclear arsenal. Russia violated that agreement, known as the Budapest Memorandum, with its incursion into Ukraine in 2014, which led to the full-scale invasion in 2022, the statement said.
“With the bitter experience of the Budapest Memorandum behind us, we will not accept any alternatives, surrogates or substitutes for Ukraine’s full membership in NATO,” it said.
The alliance has declared Ukraine’s eventual membership as “irreversible,” but NATO states are divided on how soon it should be allowed in.
Recently there have been a swirl of proposals to end the fighting as Ukraine struggles to maintain its foothold on the front lines. Although Russian soldiers are being killed and wounded at an unprecedented rate in this war — averaging as many as 1,500 a day in November, according to intelligence estimates — Ukraine is steadily losing miles of territory where, just months ago, the two sides fought over mere yards.
Mr. Trump has been vague about how he would bring peace to Ukraine in as little as 24 hours, as he has pledged. But senior officials in his administration, including Vice President-elect JD Vance, have proposed such ideas as allowing Russia to keep the territory it has captured and guaranteeing that Ukraine will not join NATO, or withholding military aid to Ukraine until it agrees to negotiate.
More than half of the military aid that Ukraine receives comes from the United States, which has sent more than $61 billion in weapons and equipment since the full-scale war began in February 2022.
But senior NATO officials said Tuesday that President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia appears uninterested in negotiating peace while he is gaining ground — unless the deal being discussed is to his advantage.
“It’s not in our interest, none of us, if Putin wins this war,” Admiral Rob Bauer of the Netherlands, NATO’s top military officer, said in a brief interview. “Wars can change — and the situation can change, based on what we do.”
Far from approaching peace, the war has escalated in recent weeks.
Last month, Ukraine launched long-range American and British artillery into Russia for the first time, prompting Moscow to accuse NATO of becoming a direct participant in the war. Russia countered within days by firing an experimental ballistic missile designed to carry nuclear weapons at a weapons factory in eastern Ukraine. The missile caused limited damage, but Mr. Rutte said on Tuesday that its use sought to intimidate “those who support Ukraine as it is defending itself.”
In recent days, Estonia, Germany, Lithuania, Norway, Sweden and the United States have provided hundreds of millions of dollars in ammunition, air defenses and other arms as the allies try to demonstrate they are stepping up support to Ukraine and the Biden administration pushes as much American matériel to the war before Mr. Trump takes office in January.
“We need this certainty,” said Ukraine’s foreign minister, Andrii Sybiha. “We need strong decisions to strengthen us, to strengthen our capacities.”
Mr. Sybiha said Ukraine needed at least 19 more air defense systems to protect its people and energy infrastructure from Russian attacks.
The effort is particularly dire as bitter cold sets in, in Ukraine, “with once again Putin, weaponizing winter, trying to freeze people out of their homes, turn out the lights,” Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken said. “We’re not going to let that happen.”
John Leung was an unlikely spy. In the small Oklahoma town where he lived, people knew him as a former restaurant owner and a father. In Houston, where he often traveled, they knew him as a political organizer in the city’s vibrant Chinese community.
And in China, they knew him as a benevolent patriot, a man who arranged musical performances and embraced official causes like unifying the mainland with Taiwan.
In fact, Mr. Leung was an informant for the F.B.I., gathering intelligence on China, according to two senior United States officials. That work landed him in Chinese custody in 2021, after he traveled to the mainland at the age of 75. He was later sentenced to life in prison, a first in decades for an American accused of espionage.
Mr. Leung was freed last Wednesday in a rare prisoner swap between Washington and Beijing. Six months shy of his 80th birthday, he was put on a plane to the United States with two other Americans who had been detained in China, along with three Uyghurs, members of an ethnic group that faces repression by the Chinese government.
In return, Washington released Xu Yanjun, a convicted Chinese spy who had been serving a 20-year sentence, and Ji Chaoqun, 31, who had reported to Mr. Xu and was serving an eight-year sentence. A clemency order for a third Chinese national, Jin Shanlin, who had been in prison for possessing child pornography, was signed on the same day as an order for Mr. Xu. China said Washington also handed over a fugitive.
Mr. Leung had cultivated an image as a philanthropist, which brought him access to Chinese power circles. In Houston, he directed groups that promoted Beijing’s political interests. He attended Chinese state banquets. And he rubbed shoulders with senior Chinese officials, including its foreign minister, its ambassador and three consuls general to the United States.
But that carefully curated image was a ruse.
To piece together the story of Mr. Leung’s unusual trajectory from small-town restaurateur to prisoner in a high-stakes geopolitical dispute with China, The Times interviewed dozens of people who knew him, including relatives in the United States and Hong Kong, business associates in Houston and acquaintances in New York’s Chinatown. Reporters also drew on corporate records, archival materials and other documents.
Much remains unclear about Mr. Leung’s relationship with the F.B.I. China’s Ministry of State Security said that he was spying while in China, but U.S. officials said that Mr. Leung had not worked for the F.B.I. for years and that the bureau had discouraged him from making the trip.
Some of the pro-China groups Mr. Leung was involved with have been linked to organizations that have come under U.S. government scrutiny. One was affiliated with the National Association for China’s Peaceful Unification, which the Trump administration designated in 2020 as a foreign mission, accusing it of seeking “to spread Beijing’s malign influence in the United States.”
“Chinese intelligence operatives are known to use these organizations as cover for their clandestine operations,” said Dennis Wilder, a former U.S. intelligence analyst on China and a senior fellow at Georgetown University.
Mr. Leung’s work with such groups could have made him a useful informant, said Nigel Inkster, the former director of operations and intelligence for Britain’s Secret Intelligence Service. He described Mr. Leung as a likely “access agent,” with “no access to secrets himself but access to people who might have them.”
Christopher Wray, the F.B.I. director, has called Beijing the “biggest long-term threat to our economic and national security.”
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China’s spy agency has publicized what it portrays as Mr. Leung’s treachery, saying that he “collected a significant amount of intelligence related to China.” The ministry said he lured Chinese officials into U.S. hotel rooms for “pornographic traps,” an allegation that former and current bureau officials said was false, explaining that the F.B.I. does not use such tactics.
The Chinese spy agency also released a video of Mr. Leung made while he was in custody, in which he expressed regret for what he had done. (Prisoners in China have in the past been coerced into making such televised confessions for propaganda purposes.)
Mr. Leung, who upon arriving in the United States was sent to an Army medical center outside San Antonio, could not be reached for comment. He was met there by a son, according to Nury Turkel, a lawyer who was there to welcome his mother, one of the Uyghurs released by Beijing. Calls and messages left for family members were not returned.
David Tang, a director with Mr. Leung of several pro-China groups in the Houston area, said he was happy to hear the news that Mr. Leung was back in the United States. He said he did not believe that he was a spy and that his release pointed to his innocence. “The mistake finally was corrected.”
An Arrest, and Charges Dropped
Mr. Leung was born in 1945 in Hong Kong’s New Territories, a largely mountainous, lush expanse of villages and farmland. He moved to New York in the 1970s, where he worked a low-level mailroom job at the United Nations while starting travel agencies in Chinatown with his brothers.
The travel business boomed. One agency, Leung Brothers Travel, had offices in New York and Toronto. It was the exclusive booking agent for Singapore Airlines, which often made it a necessary stop for people hoping to travel to Asia, said Tom Yiu, a longtime travel agent in Toronto.
New York’s Chinatown was roiled by crime, with Chinese gangs waging bloody turf wars, and Mr. Leung ran a side business selling guns, according to two longtime acquaintances. In 1980, his partner at a second travel agency was shot dead by two masked men while Mr. Leung crouched in the bathroom, according to acquaintances and to Chinese-language news reports from the time.
A few years later, he moved with his wife at the time, Kin Lan Ng, to Durant, a small college town in southeastern Oklahoma. The couple opened a Chinese restaurant in a strip mall, bought a modest home and raised three sons, according to property and ancestry records, and an interview with one son, Kit Leung.
In 1984, Mr. Leung was arrested in Durant in the attempted purchase of a .22-caliber pistol and a silencer from an undercover federal agent. He was charged with possession of an unregistered firearm, court records show.
Rick Musticchi, a former agent with the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives who sold Mr. Leung the gun and silencer, told The Times that he had approached Mr. Leung after getting a tip from an informant that he was involved in illegal activity and preparing to travel to China.
Mark F. Green, Mr. Leung’s lawyer on the case, said that prosecutors dropped charges after Mr. Musticchi did not show up to a hearing.
China’s spy agency said that U.S. intelligence operatives first contacted Mr. Leung soon after, in 1986, and formalized the relationship in 1989. The Times could not verify those allegations.
For a small-town restaurant owner, Mr. Leung soon developed unusually high-level connections inside China, which was opening to the West. He set up a group that promoted business and cultural ties between Oklahoma City and the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou, according to corporate records.
Mr. Leung also organized musical exchanges between Southeastern Oklahoma State University, The Juilliard School in New York and cities in China. He arranged for the Chinese classical pianist Li Yundi to perform in Oklahoma in 1999.
The performances he set up in China were sometimes disorganized, said Aaron Wunsch, a Juilliard pianist who joined several of them. Mr. Wunsch said he once arrived to find the piano wrapped in plastic and missing legs. But, he added: “He would talk in a genuine way about China and how he loved China and the U.S.”
Mr. Leung’s efforts earned him accolades inside China. In 2004, he was featured as one of 55 “outstanding overseas Chinese representatives” in People’s Daily, the Communist Party’s mouthpiece.
At a 2008 state banquet in Beijing celebrating the founding of China, he posed for a photo with Yang Jiechi, then the foreign minister, said Mr. Tang, who had also attended the event.
Li Liangzhou, a now-retired director of Guangzhou’s foreign affairs office, helped Mr. Leung organize many of the exchange trips. “He didn’t ask us about inside government information,” Mr. Li said in a phone interview in March. “We didn’t expect him to be a spy at all.”
Expanding Into Houston
In the mid-2000s, Mr. Leung began setting up pro-China groups in Houston, which was home to a large Chinese community and a Chinese consulate.
There, Mr. Leung drafted an alternative past. Mr. Tang, the other organizer of the pro-China groups, said he met Mr. Leung at a party in Houston, and they bonded by speaking Cantonese. Mr. Leung, who sometimes donated money to their groups, said he had come from wealth. He said he owned ranches in Oklahoma, sometimes showing up with farm eggs. He did not mention having owned a restaurant, despite the fact that his new friend was also a restaurateur, according to Mr. Tang.
The two joined forces in the Texas Council for the Promotion of China’s Peaceful Reunification, a group with links to the Washington, D.C.-based group the Trump administration later designated as a foreign mission.
Mr. Tang rejected the Trump administration’s characterization and said the group was set up to support American policy on China. He said he and Mr. Leung attended a 2018 protest against a stopover in Houston by Tsai Ing-wen, Taiwan’s president at the time.
Mr. Leung also became a director of the Chinese Civic Center in Houston, according to its tax filings. It serves the Chinese community and houses a separate service center that has come under scrutiny for suspected ties to Beijing. In 2023, the Justice Department accused two men of operating an “illegal overseas police station” out of a similar outpost in New York.
Xie Bin, a cybersecurity specialist in Houston, said he met Mr. Leung during this period at a mid-autumn festival event attended by Chinese diplomats. “He was the one who greeted everyone,” Mr. Xie said.
But Mr. Leung never found a home in Houston, said Mr. Tang, staying instead at a Ramada close to Chinatown.
The Chinese government’s efforts in Houston were becoming a focus for the F.B.I. Beginning in 2018, the bureau spent over a year investigating suspected intellectual property theft at Texas Medical Center by researchers with ties to China.
Relations deteriorated, and the Trump administration closed the Chinese consulate in Houston in July 2020, saying it was a hub of spying. Beijing responded by shuttering the U.S. consulate in Chengdu.
From a Life Sentence to a Surprise Release
In 2023, a Chinese court said Mr. Leung had been arrested two years earlier by state security agents from Suzhou, a city in Jiangsu Province. He had traveled to Jiangsu regularly for years, making inroads there with officials.
In China, where the top leader, Xi Jinping, has empowered security agencies to hunt down spies, Mr. Leung’s arrest and life sentence were hailed as a win.
In the United States, Mr. Leung’s case got little news coverage.
Kit Leung said in January at his home in Texas that Mr. Leung took him and a brother to Hong Kong to witness its handover to Chinese control in 1997 but that he and his father later became estranged. He said he learned about his imprisonment through news reports. Mr. Leung’s ex-wife, Ms. Ng, a New York resident, said she hadn’t spoken to him in years.
Another son moved into Mr. Leung’s house in Durant, neighbors said, and told them that his father had died. Reached there in January, that son, Carl Leung, declined to comment.
But under intense secrecy, the Biden administration was working out the contours of a swap with Beijing. During a global summit in Peru last month, President Biden discussed a potential trade with Mr. Xi.
When Mr. Leung and the two other American prisoners were released, they were met by Nicholas Burns, the U.S. ambassador to China, at the Beijing airport. He handed them their U.S. passports. President Biden and Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken separately called all three men when they landed in Alaska for refueling.
For Mr. Leung, it was the end of his time in Chinese custody — as well as the end of a ruse.
Edward Wong, Isabelle Qian, Chris Buckley, Keith Bradsher and Mattathias Schwartz contributed reporting. Jack Begg and Kirsten Noyes contributed research.
Giulia Cecchettin was just days away from graduating with a degree in biomedical engineering at the University of Padua, in Italy, when her disgruntled ex-boyfriend confronted her, demanding that she take him back. Her body was found a week later, wrapped in plastic bags and thrown in a ditch. She had been stabbed more than 70 times.
On Tuesday, more than a year after Ms. Cecchettin’s killing, her former boyfriend, Filippo Turetta, was convicted of murder and sentenced to life in prison, concluding a case that has outraged people across Italy, where chauvinistic attitudes remain deeply rooted at all levels of society.
In the first 11 months of this year, 101 women were killed in Italy, more than half by their current or former partners, according to Italy’s Interior Ministry. But Ms. Cecchettin’s story has stood out, striking a particularly deep chord across the country.
She was just 22 years old. Her life was about to take off. That it was cut short so brutally highlighted for many people the country’s failures to address the root problems of the pervasive violence.
Mr. Turetta, 22, confessed to the killing soon after he was arrested a year ago. When he took the stand in a court in Venice last October, he said he had been “upset” because Ms. Cecchettin broke up with him and refused to take him back.
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“I was suffering a lot and I resented her,” he said. “I was angry because this made me suffer, and it upset me.”
Some three weeks after Ms. Cecchettin’s body was found, thousands congregated for her funeral. When the coffin was borne out of the church, the mourners jingled their keys, heeding the call of her older sister, Elena Cecchettin, who had called on Italians to protest violence against women and “make noise” rather than hold a minute of silence to commemorate Giulia’s death.
Since Ms. Cecchettin’s death, her father, Gino Cecchettin, and Elena Cecchettin have campaigned ceaselessly against gender violence.
In order to help promote “a radical change” in the mind-set of Italians, the family set up a foundation last month in Ms. Cecchettin’s name. Its goal is to promote better education in schools about domestic violence and to help women who have been victims of violence.
But the inauguration of the foundation was marked by controversy after Italy’s education minister, Giuseppe Valditara, sent a video in which he said that patriarchy no longer existed in Italy. He also blamed illegal immigration for violence against women. The video was met with nationwide backlash.
A few days later, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni dug in her heels and defended Mr. Valditara.
“There is certainly data that also speaks of a significant incidence of mass illegal immigration on this issue,” she said, and this “is one of the reasons Italy is working to stop mass illegal immigration.” She said that cultural reasons were also at play and that the government was committed to combating “a scourge.”
Elena Cecchettin responded on social media, saying that instead of spreading propaganda “at the presentation of the foundation named after a girl killed by a white, Italian, ‘decent boy,’” the authorities should instead listen to the Italian people. That way, “hundreds of women in our country would not continue to die every year,” she said.
After Tuesday’s ruling, Mr. Cecchettin told reporters, “I think you don’t fight against gender violence with jail sentences, but with prevention.”
“My feeling is that we have lost, all of us, as a society,” he said, the news agency ANSA reported. Justice has been done, and should be respected, he said, but “as a human being I feel defeated.”