To Palestinians, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, or UNRWA, is a critical lifeline, providing food, water and medicine to hundreds of thousands of Gazans who have endured more than a year of war.

To the Israeli government, it is a dangerous cover for Hamas, the armed Palestinian group that led the 2023 surprise attack on Israel. Now, Israeli legislators have laid the groundwork to ban the agency with the passage of two bills set to take effect this month.

If Israeli authorities enforce the new laws, U.N. officials are warning that no other group will be able to replace UNRWA and that its crucial humanitarian operations in Gaza will grind to a halt at a moment when experts say famine is threatening parts of the territory.

U.N. officials say they are preparing to shutter UNRWA operations in both Gaza and the Israeli-occupied West Bank.

“It would be a massive impact on an already catastrophic situation,” said Jamie McGoldrick, who oversaw the U.N. humanitarian operation across Gaza and the West Bank until April. “If that is what the Israeli intention is — to remove any ability for us to save lives — you have to question what is the thinking and what is the end goal?”

UNRWA, the main U.N. agency that aids Palestinians, stands apart from other agencies in the international body. Its 30,000 employees — mostly Palestinians — operate schools, medical clinics, job-training centers, food banks and even garbage collection for six million Palestinians across Gaza, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria and the West Bank.

Since the start of the war in Gaza, UNRWA has transformed itself into an anchor of the international aid response. With 5,000 workers still on the ground, it oversees aid deliveries, runs shelters and medical clinics and distributes food assistance. It clears trash and human waste and provides the fuel that powers hospitals, water wells and nearly every other aid organization in Gaza.

“The world has abandoned us. We have nothing but the aid we get from UNRWA to survive,” said Sami Abu Darweesh, 30, who lives in a refugee camp in southern Gaza run by UNRWA. “If that stops, what will we do?”

Israel and UNRWA have had a tense relationship for decades. It ruptured last year when Israel accused 18 of the agency’s employees of taking part in the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas-led attack on Israel. Israel has also claimed that Hamas uses UNRWA schools to hide fighters.

A U.N. investigation found that nine employees may have been involved in the attack on Israel and the agency fired them. U.N. officials reject most of Israel’s accusations and say the government has refused to share much evidence.

A recent New York Times analysis of Hamas records showed that at least 24 members of Hamas and Islamic Jihad, a smaller Palestinian militant group, worked at UNRWA schools.

In late October, the Israeli Parliament voted overwhelmingly for legislation to ban UNRWA activity on Israeli soil. The ban is set to go into effect this month, 90 days after the measures were passed.

There are a number of uncertainties surrounding what exactly will happen next.

The legislation does not directly address the agency’s operations in Gaza or the West Bank, and the Israeli government has been vague about how, or whether, it plans to enforce the new laws there.

Sharren Haskel, Israel’s deputy foreign minister, declined to clarify the government’s approach to UNRWA in the territories when she spoke to reporters in late December. She suggested only that Palestinian officials should deal with UNRWA in the West Bank, while accusing the agency of harboring terrorists in Gaza.

U.N. officials have said they are preparing to close down operations in both territories largely because the laws would prohibit Israeli officials from interacting with UNRWA. The agency says it must coordinate with Israel’s military every time its workers deliver aid or move across Gaza and parts of the West Bank.

“If we can’t share that information with Israeli authorities on a daily basis,” said Louise Wateridge, a senior UNRWA official on the ground in Gaza, “then we have staff lives in danger.” She said more than 250 UNRWA workers had already been killed in the Gaza war.

The Israeli lawmakers behind the legislation have suggested that they hope it will effectively banish the agency from Gaza and the West Bank. Some have said that the 90-day deadline for the laws to take effect was intended to give time for other aid groups to take UNRWA’s place.

“We gave the government 90 days, and, actually, the entire world 90 days,” said Yuli Edelstein, the chairman of the parliamentary committee that drafted the UNRWA bills. “Whoever truly cares about the population, let them bring about the groups that would help.”

Israel is already moving away from cooperating with UNRWA, agency officials say.

Officials at the agency said the Israeli military had prevented UNRWA from using crossings between Israel and northern Gaza, an area where Israel has mounted intense assaults in recent months.

At the same time, UNRWA’s aid deliveries have been repeatedly looted in southern Gaza, prompting the agency to halt deliveries at one key southern border crossing since the beginning of December.

That has deepened Gazans’ desperation, Ms. Wateridge said.

Enas al-Hila, 31, said she and her three children fled their home in central Gaza earlier in the war and now live in a tent in a camp managed by UNRWA. She said the agency had been providing food, dried milk and diapers for her children.

Even those basic supplies have recently become rare, forcing her to wait in long lines to buy them from resellers for several times the normal price.

“UNRWA has always been our only hope for jobs, food, flour,” she said. “It’s the lifeline for us and our children, just as it was for our parents and grandparents.”

The United Nations established UNRWA in 1949 to aid the approximately 750,000 Palestinians who were made refugees in the war surrounding Israel’s founding in 1948.

Many Israelis view the agency as perpetuating conflict because generations of Palestinians have been allowed to inherit refugee status. Some Israelis also accuse UNRWA teachers of indoctrinating young Palestinians to hate Israel. The United Nations denies this.

Since the laws banning UNRWA were passed, the Israeli government has kept up a drumbeat of criticism of the agency and suggested that plenty of aid groups were prepared to replace it.

The United States is among the nations that have pushed Israel to allow UNRWA to keep operating. Washington has long been the primary funder of the agency, though it suspended donations in January after Israel’s accusations.

U.S. officials warned Israel in October that banning UNRWA “would devastate the Gaza humanitarian response at this critical moment.”

In Gaza, UNRWA has become central to the aid response partly because it was already so woven into the community. Before the war, UNRWA said its 288 schools educated 300,000 students in Gaza, nearly half of the territory’s school-age children, and its 22 medical clinics handled 2.6 million patient visits a year.

“My grandparents used to say, ‘You have God with you and the UNRWA coupon,’” recalled Yasser Abu al-Assal, 39, who said his family long relied on the agency for education and medical care before the war and for food since the conflict began. “Now it feels like even that promise is slipping away.”

UNRWA is also critical in parts of the West Bank, serving 900,000 Palestinians there.

A recent visit to the Qalandiya refugee camp in the West Bank and East Jerusalem showed how UNRWA operates in a quasi-governmental role.

In the poor, densely populated neighborhood of at least 16,500 people, UNRWA runs four schools, a job training center, a medical clinic and garbage collection. All the services are free.

The Qalandiya camp is one of the UNRWA operations most likely to be closed by the new laws.

UNRWA schools serve 50,000 students in the West Bank. The public schools elsewhere in the territory — mostly run by the Palestinian Authority government — are already near breaking point with 650,000 students. Teachers at those schools have gone on strike in recent years because of low pay.

Jamila Lafi, 40, has two children in UNRWA schools and a third at UNRWA’s job-training center in Qalandiya, and her entire family uses its medical clinics. The agency’s classes are overcrowded but there is no alternative, she said.

“We don’t have the means to send them anywhere else,” she said. “Without UNRWA, I don’t know how we’d survive.”

Reporting was contributed by Bilal Shbair from Gaza, Johnatan Reiss from Tel Aviv and Fatima AbdulKarim from the West Bank.

As tourists followed the smell of fried pizza, posed by white and blue murals of Diego Maradona on streets lined with dangling laundry, and marveled at the decadent beauty of Naples, an 18-year-old boy and 26-year-old twin sisters were killed as the makeshift fireworks factory where they worked blew up.

Their burned, mutilated bodies were found among the explosives and the cans of detergent they also bottled for a living in a house amid olive trees and orange groves near the ancient Roman citadel Herculaneum, outside Naples.

The deaths in November of the three young Neapolitans, who took the risky jobs for about 25 euros, or $26, a day because they could not find better ones, highlighted how, despite Naples’s recent hype and tourism boom, it remains a merciless city for many of its own young people.

“Naples is like a tomb,” said Adamo Dumbia, 38, after he shoveled dirt on the grave of Samuel Tafciu, his stepdaughter’s fiancé, who died in the blast. “It’s pretty from the outside, but you don’t want to see what is inside.”

Since the pandemic, Naples has become an Instagram sensation. Tourism has surged, especially among foreigners. Many of them were introduced to the city through the novels of Elena Ferrante. Hollywood actors have stopped there. The model Emily Ratajkowski posed for photos with a Napoli soccer jersey. Countless Instagram posts showcase older Neapolitans with leathery tans, tattooed chests, heavy makeup and crucifixes under the summer’s scorching sun. Charli XCX sang about such images in the song “Everything is Romantic.” It all has contributed to building a seductive image of Naples that has attracted flocks of millennials.

But if Naples’s gaudy decadence is hot on social media, the city is also experiencing a much more unromantic, enduring and crude degradation that is engulfing the youth from its poorer quarters.

Despite the cash brought in by tourism, the city has one of the highest rates of youth unemployment in Italy at 43 percent. Gun violence has flared again, and this fall, three teenagers were shot dead within 20 days. About a sixth of jobs in the region are off the books, and young Neapolitans are dropping out of school and leaving the city in record numbers.

Once again, Naples is something of an archetype of Italy. For a long time, its pizza, sun, dialect and mannerisms have been what many picture when they think about Italy. Now, Naples has also come to embody one of the country’s most painful paradoxes: so appealing to foreigners, so daunting for its own youths.

“Naples is the city with the most contradictions,” said Luca Bianchi, the managing director of Svimez, a research center focused on Italy’s south. “And these contradictions are exploding.”

Aurora and Sara Esposito, the inseparable twins who died in the fireworks explosion, grew up on the outskirts of Naples with a single mother. Videos filmed at their bathroom mirror and posted on Aurora’s TikTok profile show her with bleached hair and a wide smile with braces on her teeth, singing and dancing to Neapolitan songs.

Like many other teenagers in the area, the two girls had left school young; they were 14. They worked odd jobs, including as cleaners and at a bakery, but money was running short. Sometimes the twins went to bed without dinner, said Giusy Esposito, their older sister, and they were threatened with eviction from the apartment they shared with their mother and Aurora’s 5-year-old daughter.

When the twins found off-the-books jobs making fireworks, they accepted because they had no choice, Giusy Esposito said.

The twins’ employer — who was arrested and jailed after the explosion — had set them up in a house with no electricity in Ponticelli, an eastern Naples suburb, and he drove them to work every morning.

The twins had no experience handling incendiary substances, and the makeshift factory had no security systems, the police said. It didn’t even have a toilet; Giusy Esposito said Aurora had to urinate in a bucket.

With them worked Samuel Tafciu, 18, the son of Albanian immigrants. About a year and a half earlier, he had met Rosita Giorgetti, 17, a Neapolitan girl who also lived in Ponticelli, an area plagued by poverty and Camorra mob violence. Both Samuel and Rosita had left school at about 14.

In June, their daughter, Anna Chiara, was born. The three slept together in a single bed in an apartment they shared with Rosita’s mother, her partner and two of Rosita’s four siblings. Samuel had such an insatiable appetite he would eat pasta for breakfast. On weekends, he would take Rosita to a fun fair or a McDonald’s.

In July Samuel turned 18 and proposed to Rosita, giving her a ring with heart-shaped cut glass. Every week, Rosita’s mother said, he put aside 50 euros for their wedding.

But in late November Rosita clasped her hands on Samuel’s white coffin at a cemetery north of Naples as she whispered, “It’s not Samu, it’s not Samu.”

“I would have rather had him go steal,” Rosita said that afternoon.

“He could have gone to jail. But jail is easy. Now I can’t see him, I can’t touch him, I can’t talk to him,” she said. “All our dreams went up in flames with him.”

Three days after Samuel’s funeral, at a cemetery at the foot of the Mount Vesuvius volcano, Giusy Esposito slumped to the ground as attendants lowered her sisters’ white coffins into twin graves. Years ago, she had also lost her husband and her brother-in-law as they worked off the books, she said.

“Why do we have to love people to have them torn away from us?” she asked. “Why do we have to live this way?”

Her uncle, Rosario Esposito, looked on. “This is how you live in Naples,” he said.

His son, 21, is planning to move to Sweden, he added. “He cannot also end up like this,” he said, pointing at the graves.

The main reason for the prevalence of illegal work, experts who study the region say, is persistent high unemployment and low education levels, especially among young people, giving employers huge leverage.

A failed experiment with industrialization, poor political administration and the pervasive presence of the Camorra mob have hampered the economy, and many of the available positions are low-level service jobs, the experts said.

Now tourism is transforming the city center, with the dark, damp “bassi” or ground-floor flats turning into short-term rentals. While some people are finding off-the-books employment as waiters or tour guides, experts say tourism is failing to bring a substantial increase in higher wage jobs.

Crimes involving guns and other weapons are rising among Naples’s disenfranchised youth, according to the police, and Italy’s interior minister recently announced a special operation to disarm the city.

But all of this rarely makes it into the visitors’ social media feeds.

Instagram and TikTok, said Ciro Pellegrino, the head of the Naples section for the news website Fanpage, are key to Naples’s allure, because they allow for its flaws to be left out of the frame.

“If you narrow down your field of view and only show chunks of the city,” he said, “there are parts of Naples that are extremely Instagrammable.”

On the Neapolitan seafront, marked by luxury hotels, Antonio Maimone tended public gardens featuring palm trees and giant cactuses in full view of the Mergellina promenade, a nightlife hot spot.

There, last year, his 18-year-old son, Francesco Pio Maimone, was shot dead by a stray bullet that hit him in his heart. A 20-year-old man was charged with murder. Both came from marginalized areas of Naples.

When the bullet hit him, Francesco Pio, who had dropped out of school at about 16 and worked part time washing trash bins, had just finished training as a pizza maker.

“Too often the youth in Naples only faces few choices: drugs, dealing or shooting,” Mr. Maimone said.

“For as much as Naples is beautiful,” he said, “it is also so ugly.”

By the Naples train station, there is a huge mural of Maradona, the Argentine soccer legend who led Napoli to championships and who has become one of the city’s biggest folk heroes, and a symbol of hope and Neapolitan pride. Small, inside Maradona’s iris, an artist has painted a portrait of Francesco Pio.

The young men huddled around a parked car, bobbing to a beat that thumped from the speakers. It was an energetic and catchy rap ballad — one that, these days, is instantly recognizable on the streets of Mozambique.

“Povo no Poder! Povo no Poder!” the men sang along, repeating a refrain that also was emblazoned on the black T-shirts they wore in Marracuene, a town about an hour outside of Maputo, Mozambique’s capital.

“People in Power,” as the song’s title translates in English, has become the unofficial anthem of a mass uprising that has consumed this southern African nation over the past few months, with the phrase showing up on protest placards, in chants and on clothing.

Tens of thousands of Mozambicans have taken to the streets to reject a presidential election that they believe was rigged by the long-governing party, Frelimo. Daniel Chapo of Frelimo was declared the winner with 65 percent of the vote, but protesters denounced the result as fraudulent. Many have rallied behind the top opposition candidate, Venâncio Mondlane.

Chaotic demonstrations have descended into looting, vandalism and tires burning in the road. More than 250 deaths have been reported as the police and military have clashed with protesters.

Yet, Mozambicans continue to protest in the streets en masse, with many of them — particularly young people — turning to “Povo no Poder,” the prescient song by the rap star Azagaia, as a guiding light.

Born Edson Amândio Maria Lopes da Luz, Azagaia stood out for lyrics that bluntly criticized the government — a risky move in a nation where the state has been known to crush the slightest whiff of dissent. (His music has been censored on state media.) That fearlessness is what inspires many to push through the danger and chaos of the current upheaval, activists say.

After Azagaia died last year following an epileptic seizure at age 38, young people flocked to the streets to pay tribute to him. Those tributes turned into processions in which the youth aired their grievances — and were eventually squashed by police tear gas.

Cídia Chissungo, 28, a rights activist who organized some of the marches, said the anger over that experience has in part fueled young people now protesting the election results. In some ways, Ms. Chissungo said, Azagaia wrote the playbook for the youth uprising, with lyrics speaking to the very issues that have stirred public anger.

In “The March,” he rapped about how the poor are overlooked by the political elite.

“Woe to Us” criticizes the government’s failure to help the people of the oil-rich northern province of Cabo Delgado, which has been upended by an Islamic State-backed insurgency for several years.

And “Sell the Country” castigates the government for selling out the country to oil and gas interests.

But no song has captured the imagination like “Povo no Poder,” which he released in 2008 amid huge protests over rising costs of food and public transportation. Although that was 16 years ago, it was almost as if Azagaia had predicted how the situation would play out in Mozambique today.

In the song, which he raps in Portuguese, he says:

This government really won’t change, no

There will be a tragedy, yes

Even if they come with tear gas

The strike is full of oxygen

They won’t stop our performance

I will fight, I won’t abstain.

Thousands of far-reaching sanctions have been imposed by dozens of countries on Russian banks, businesses and people since Moscow ordered tanks to roll across the border into Ukraine in the winter of 2022.

Now, more than 1,000 days later, as President-elect Donald J. Trump prepares to take office, questions about the sanctions’ effectiveness — and future — are expected to come under renewed scrutiny.

Mr. Trump has stated, “I want to use sanctions as little as possible.” And he has made clear that there will be a shift in American policy toward Ukraine, having promised to end the war in a single day.

Experts believe that sanctions and continued military aid are almost certain to be bargaining chips in any negotiations.

So how valuable are the sanction chips that Mr. Trump will hold?

The answer is hotly debated.

Predictions in the early months of the war that economic restrictions would soon undermine President Vladimir V. Putin’s regime or reduce the ruble to “rubble” did not pan out. Mr. Putin remains entrenched in the Kremlin, and his forces are inflicting punishing damage on Ukraine and gaining on the battlefield.

Yet the idea that economic sanctions could bring a quick end to the war was always more a product of hope than a realistic assessment, said Sergei Guriev, a Russian economist who fled the country in 2013 and is now the dean of the London Business School.

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Talks between Israel and Hamas to end the war in Gaza and free the remaining hostages appear increasingly deadlocked, according to officials familiar with the discussions, suggesting that President Biden will probably leave the White House without an agreement on a cease-fire.

Mediators have been conducting months of shuttle diplomacy, and Israeli and Hamas officials said in December that there had been progress before blaming the other side for throwing up fresh obstacles.

Negotiations have stalled amid gaps between the two sides, the officials said, and the future of the talks is uncertain. Qatar and Egypt have led the mediation efforts between Israel and Hamas with involvement from the United States.

President-elect Donald J. Trump has threatened that there will be “HELL TO PAY” in the Middle East unless there was an agreement to free the hostages by his inauguration on Jan. 20. It is far from clear how he intends to follow through on the threat and an incoming Trump administration would most likely face the same entrenched dynamic that has thwarted Mr. Biden’s efforts.

Israeli leaders, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, vowed to eradicate Hamas in Gaza after last year’s Oct. 7 attacks, in which about 1,200 people in Israel were killed and 250 taken hostage in Gaza. More than 15 months into the war, roughly 100 hostages remain in Gaza, dozens of whom Israeli authorities believe to be dead.

Hamas has said it would not release any more hostages unless Israel agreed to end the war, completely withdraw its forces and release scores of Palestinians in Israeli jails.

Mr. Biden’s advisers made a last-ditch effort to put together a final agreement before he left office. In December, Jake Sullivan, the White House’s national security adviser, raised optimism by declaring that U.S. officials hoped for a cease-fire deal “this month,” citing a weakened Hamas and a cease-fire between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon.

“The surround sound of these negotiations is different today than it has been in the past,” Mr. Sullivan told reporters during a news conference at the time in Tel Aviv.

After rounds of talks, Hamas accused Israel last week of introducing “new conditions,” leading to a “delay in reaching an agreement that was within reach.” Mr. Netanyahu accused Hamas of “reneging on understandings.”

Hamas was still demanding an end to the war and a full Israeli withdrawal, although it was willing to be flexible about the timetable for both, Osama Hamdan, a senior Hamas official, told the Al Jazeera broadcaster in late December.

“We made our flexibility clear,” he said. “But the Israeli delegation did not offer any basic commitments such as ending the war and fully withdrawing.”

For its part, Israel is frustrated that Hamas has not handed over a list of the living hostages whom it is holding in Gaza, according to an Israeli official and another official familiar with the matter, who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive diplomacy.

One of the officials confirmed that Israel had not committed to ending the war, but hoped that all sides could live with a degree of vagueness in the text of the agreement.

The families of hostages say they fear each additional day their relatives remain captive in Gaza could seal their fates.

Israel and Hamas last came to an agreement in November 2023, when they observed a weeklong cease-fire that freed 105 Israeli and foreign hostages — mostly women and children — in return for 240 Palestinians jailed in Israel.

Israeli soldiers have freed eight hostages by force. The bodies of at least 38 hostages have been brought back to Israel, according to the Israeli government.

A gunman killed at least 12 people, including two children, after a bar fight in Montenegro on Wednesday, leading to a manhunt and a government declaration of three days of mourning in the small Balkan country, officials said.

The shooting took place in the city of Cetinje, about 22 miles west of the capital. Among those killed were the owner of the bar and the bar owner’s children, the interior minister, Danilo Saranovic, said at a news conference.

The authorities identified the gunman as a 45-year-old man named Aco Martinovic, and Prime Minister Milojko Spajic said later on Wednesday that the suspect was dead.

The news outlet Vijesti reported that he had died from self-inflicted wounds and that the interior minister, Mr. Saranovic, had confirmed that information.

Mr. Spajic said that at least four people had been seriously wounded in the shooting, and that the government would discuss new restrictions on firearms in its aftermath. “This is a terrible tragedy that has affected us all,” he said.

In addition to declaring three days of mourning, the government urged cities to cancel performances and concerts. “Instead of holiday joy,” President Jakov Milatovic said, “we have been gripped by sadness over the loss of innocent lives.”

The attack was the second mass shooting in Cetinje in three years. In 2022, a gunman killed 10 people, including two children, before being shot by a civilian.

Montenegro, whose population is about 620,000, has a high rate of gun ownership. It trails the United States and Yemen but ranks alongside its neighbor Serbia with 39 firearms per 100 people, according to the 2018 Small Arms Survey, a research group based in Geneva.

The Palestinian Authority announced on Wednesday that it would temporarily bar Al Jazeera from operating in its areas, accusing the Qatari-funded broadcaster of “inciting sedition” and “interfering in internal Palestinian affairs.” The move comes several months after the news outlet was banned by Israel on national security grounds.

WAFA, the Palestinian government’s official media arm, said Al Jazeera — one of the Arab world’s most influential broadcasters — must immediately shutter its local offices and “freeze all the work of its journalists.” The ban would last until the channel had “corrected its legal status,” the announcement said.

Palestinian officials did not provide detailed examples of how Al Jazeera had broken any local laws. The Palestinian Authority administers some areas in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, including major Palestinian cities.

Al Jazeera denounced the Palestinian decision, calling it “an attempt to prevent coverage of the escalating events witnessed in the occupied territories.” The channel broadcast footage of Palestinian security officers handing the order to one of its journalists.

“From this moment, any broadcast or activities are forbidden,” an officer said.

Palestinian critics and human rights groups have charged the Palestinian Authority with launching an increasingly authoritarian crackdown on dissent, violently assaulting demonstrators and intimidating critics of Mahmoud Abbas, the authority’s president.

The decision was the latest blow to Al Jazeera’s operations in Israel, the West Bank and Gaza in recent months.

In May, Israel shut down Al Jazeera in the country and shuttered its offices on security grounds, prompting an outcry from press-freedom advocates. Months later, Israeli forces raided the channel’s offices in the West Bank city of Ramallah, seizing computers and cameras.

Israeli officials, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, have long labeled the network a “mouthpiece” for Hamas, the Palestinian militant group that led the Oct. 7, 2023, attacks on Israel that set off the war in Gaza.

Israel has also accused members of the Al Jazeera team in Gaza of belonging to Hamas. In July, the Israeli military killed Ismail al-Ghoul, an Al Jazeera reporter in Gaza, in an airstrike, claiming he was a member of Hamas’s military wing. Al Jazeera has rejected all the allegations as baseless.

But there has also been bad blood between Al Jazeera and the Palestinian Authority, which is dominated by the secularist Fatah party. Fatah officials have sometimes accused the channel of being a bulwark of support for Hamas, which ejected Fatah from Gaza in 2007.

The tensions appeared to escalate in recent weeks after the Palestinian Authority launched a rare operation in the northern West Bank city of Jenin to crack down on militants, some of whom are affiliated with Hamas and Islamic Jihad. At least five Palestinian officers were killed in battles with the militants since the operation began last month.

Pressed for examples of incitement, Mounir al-Jaghoub, a Fatah official, pointed to an Al Jazeera clip critical of the crackdown in Jenin as evidence. Through a satirical skit, the video accused the Palestinian Authority of collaborating with Israel to crack down on Palestinian militants fighting against Israeli rule.

In its statement, Al Jazeera accused the Palestinian Authority of “attempting to hide the truth of events in the occupied territories, especially Jenin.”