The New York Times 2025-02-06 00:08:47


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Jerusalem Feb. 5, 6:07 p.m.

Pinned

Qasim NaumanLara Jakes and Aaron Boxerman

Here are the latest developments.

President Trump’s brazen proposal to move all Palestinians out of Gaza and make it a U.S. territory met with immediate opposition on Wednesday from key American partners and officials around the world, with many expressing support for a Palestinian state as experts called it a breach of international law.

The proposal also threatens a U.S. ambition for normalized diplomatic relations between Israel and Saudi Arabia. In a statement issued before 4 a.m. local time, Saudi Arabia expressed its “unequivocal rejection” of attempts to displace Palestinians and reiterated that it would not establish diplomatic ties with Israel in the absence of an independent Palestinian state.

Egypt’s foreign ministry said in a separate statement that aid and recovery programs for Gaza must begin “without the Palestinians leaving.”

Gaza has been devastated by Israel’s military campaign against Hamas since the militant group’s Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel. Speaking alongside Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel at the White House on Tuesday evening, Mr. Trump described Gaza as “a demolition site” that the United States would rebuild into “the Riviera of the Middle East.”

Hamas has ruled in Gaza for most of the past two decades and has begun re-establishing control there since a cease-fire took effect last month. The group immediately rejected the idea of a mass relocation of the territory’s roughly two million Palestinians, a politically explosive proposal in a region with a long and bloody history of forced displacement.

Riyad Mansour, the leader of the Palestinian delegation to the United Nations, said that world leaders should respect Palestinians’ desire to rebuild Gaza themselves. Those who want to send Gazans “to a happy ‘nice place,’” Mr. Mansour said, using language that Mr. Trump had employed, should “let them go back, you know, to their original homes inside Israel.”

The Geneva Conventions prohibit the forcible relocation of populations. The United States and Israel have both ratified the conventions.

Here is what else to know:

  • Around the world: Mr. Trump brought together allies and adversaries alike in opposition to his proposal, though some sought to strike a balance by not criticizing him directly.

  • Against the law: The proposition would unquestionably be a severe violation of international law, experts say. Forced deportation or transfer of a civilian population is a violation of international humanitarian law, a war crime and a crime against humanity.

  • Swift rejection: Mr. Trump has floated the idea of Palestinians leaving Gaza multiple times in recent days, including a proposal to move them to Egypt and Jordan. That was rejected last week by a broad group of Arab nations, including Saudi Arabia, in addition to Egypt and Jordan.

  • Reaction in Israel: It was not clear whether Mr. Netanyahu was expecting Mr. Trump to announce such a proposal, but he smiled as the president talked about moving all Palestinians out of Gaza. Back home, far-right Israeli politicians celebrated Mr. Trump’s proposals as a vindication of their long-held dreams of the mass departure of Palestinians from Gaza. “It is now clear: this is the only solution,” said Itamar Ben-Gvir, until recently the country’s national security minister.

Trump’s proposal puts Egypt and Jordan in an impossible position.

For decades, the question of whether and how Palestinians might build a state in their homeland has been at the center of Middle East politics — not only for the Palestinians themselves, but also for Arabs around the region, many of whom regard the Palestinian cause almost as their own. Forcing Palestinians out of their remaining territory, Arabs say, would doom that shared desire for Palestinian statehood and destabilize the entire region in the process.

So it was a nightmare for the Palestinians’ closest Arab neighbors, Egypt and Jordan, and a dream come true for Israel’s far-right-dominated government, when President Trump proposed moving everyone out of the Gaza Strip and onto Egyptian and Jordanian soil, an idea he repeated in a White House news conference with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel on Tuesday.

To the two Arab governments, it is not a matter of real estate or refugee camps, but of compromising their own long-held principles, angering their people, risking their own security and stability and perhaps paving the way for West Bank Palestinians to meet the same fate. They have responded with categorical “nos.”

That refusal has been backed up by politically independent and opposition figures in Egypt alongside mouthpieces for the country’s authoritarian government, underscoring how the Palestinian issue unifies even the bitterest political opponents in Egypt.

But Mr. Trump has shown little regard for the two countries’ concerns, their sovereignty or the idea of Palestinian statehood.

“They say they’re not going to accept,” Mr. Trump said of Egypt and Jordan during an earlier meeting with Mr. Netanyahu in the Oval Office. “I say they will.”

The president may have ways of bending them to his will. Egypt and Jordan are among the top recipients of American military aid worldwide; Mr. Trump has mentioned the funding in recent weeks, though without publicly threatening to pull it over the Gaza issue.

Still, analysts say the financial incentives of keeping that aid, which makes up a limited portion of each country’s budget, are minor compared to the two governments’ fears of alienating their populations by appearing complicit in the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians and other anxieties. Though the rulers of both countries often brook little dissent on other matters, often using repression to silence internal criticism of their decisions, analysts say they know they cannot afford to ignore public opinion on such a crucial issue.

“It’s no joke going up against Trump, particularly for Egypt and Jordan,” said Paul Salem, the vice president for international engagement at the Middle East Institute. But since “this would really be a bridge way too far for much of public opinion,” he added, “there is no other option for an Arab leader. I don’t see what else they could do.”

For President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi of Egypt, the issue is particularly sensitive because he has tried to rally public support for himself at a time when Egyptians are enduring a prolonged economic crisis by painting himself as a champion of the Palestinians. Egypt also sees the possibility of Palestinians settling en masse in Egypt as a serious security threat, government officials, diplomats and analysts say: Officials worry that members of militant groups among forcibly displaced Palestinians could launch attacks at Israel from Egyptian soil, inviting Israeli military retaliation.

Jordan, with its far smaller population — many of Palestinian descent — and heavy dependence on U.S. support, is perhaps even more vulnerable. Far-right Israelis have long talked of Jordan as the place where Palestinians forced out of Gaza and the West Bank should make their home instead of their current territories, raising fears in Jordan that if people from Gaza are forced out, Israel will next drive Palestinians out of the West Bank and annex it.

Many, if not all, would likely be forced to go next door to Jordan, destabilizing a country already unsettled by tensions between citizens who are of Palestinian descent and those who are not, analysts say.


Gazans condemn Trump’s proposal for a U.S. takeover.

Palestinians in Gaza expressed a mixture of condemnation and confusion on Wednesday over President Trump’s declaration that the United States should seize control of the devastated coastal territory and forcibly displace its entire population.

A number of Gazans said they found Mr. Trump’s comments reprehensible, noting they were in harmony with plans presented by far-right members of Israel’s governing coalition. But while some rejected leaving Gaza under any circumstances, others said conditions were so unlivable after 15 months of Israeli bombardment that they would consider relocating.

“I need to stay in my land. My life, my family, and my memories are here,” said Mohammed Fares, 24, a resident of Gaza City who was displaced to the southern city of Khan Younis. “I have something in Gaza I can’t get anywhere else. I’ll stay, even through hell.”

Mr. Fares said he was staying at a relatives’ home in Khan Younis because his family’s home in Gaza City was in tatters and because there was little water available there.

About two million Palestinians remain in Gaza after a war that has reduced cities to rubble and killed tens of thousands of people. Israel waged a war against Hamas after the armed Palestinian group led the Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel, which killed about 1,200 people.

Mr. Trump said that all Palestinians in Gaza should be moved to neighboring Arab countries such as Egypt and Jordan because of the devastation wrought by the war.

Palestinians blasted the notion of forced displacement, though some said they would be open to finding a more stable life outside Gaza.

“It’s unacceptable to expel people from their homes,” said Mukhlis al-Masri, 33, a resident of the northern town of Beit Hanoun displaced to Khan Younis. “But I never thought I would get to this place, where everything is a struggle.”

If he were able to move outside Gaza, Mr. al-Masri said, he would.

“Do I want to live through a tragedy for another 20 or 30 years? Do I want to continue to live through hell? “I can’t.”

Since a cease-fire between Israel and Hamas came into effect on Jan. 19, the entry of humanitarian aid to Gaza has surged but residents have said restoring a relative degree of normalcy still feels years away. The simplest of tasks before the war — charging a phone or bathing — have become daily ordeals.

To take a shower, Mr. Mukhlis, his wife, and three sons lay out a sheet of plastic across a classroom at a United Nations school and dump glasses of water on themselves, he said.

Other Palestinians criticized Mr. Trump’s claim that they would live in “peace and harmony” in new places outside Gaza.

Some Arab countries have seriously restricted the rights of Palestinian refugees. For example in Lebanon, they are barred from working in several professions.

“Arab countries consider us 7th-class citizens,” said Abd al-Rahman Basem al-Masri, 27, a doctor from the central Gaza city of Deir al Balah. “Why should I leave the land of my fathers and forefathers for that?”

President Trump said on social media that he hoped to reach a “Verified Nuclear Peace Agreement” with Iran in order to prevent it from building a nuclear weapon. He said in a post on Truth Social that any reports that the United States is “going to blow Iran into smithereens” in conjunction with Israel were “GREATLY EXAGGERATED.” After meeting Trump at the White House yesterday, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel said he and Trump saw “eye to eye on Iran,” without offering extensive details.

Israel and Iran view one another as archenemies. The two have exchanged fire multiple times over the past year amid the war in Gaza, and Israel views Tehran’s nuclear program as an existential threat. Since Trump’s election, there has been speculation over whether the president might sign off on U.S. support for an Israeli attack on Iran’s nuclear facilities, an option long debated by Israeli policymakers.

Trump’s Gaza proposal comes as Israel and Hamas prepare to hold more cease-fire talks.

President Trump announced his bombastic proposals for the future of Gaza even as Israel and Hamas were preparing to start a new round of talks this week to maintain the current cease-fire.

Israel and Hamas committed to at least a 42-day cease-fire during which they would negotiate a permanent truce. Those talks were set to begin this week, 16 days after the agreement went into effect in late January.

Steve Witkoff, Mr. Trump’s Mideast envoy, told reporters on Tuesday that he was set to meet Qatar’s prime minister, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani, in Florida on Thursday afternoon for further talks toward a permanent truce. Qatar and Egypt, alongside the United States, have been mediating negotiations between Israel and Hamas.

Mr. Trump’s remarks have now landed square in the middle of those sensitive negotiations. Analysts say it is far from certain that Israel and Hamas will advance from the initial six-week cease-fire — “phase one” — to the permanent truce — “phase two.”

The talks revolve around what terms would allow Israel to declare a permanent end to its war against Hamas and a full withdrawal from Gaza, including who will govern the enclave. In exchange, Hamas would release the remaining living hostages it has held since the Oct. 7, 2023, assault on southern Israel that set off the war in Gaza.

Israeli leaders have said they will not countenance Hamas rule in Gaza. Hamas has shown some willingness to abdicate responsibility for governing civil affairs in the enclave, but its leaders have said they will not cede military control there by disbanding the group’s armed wing.

Under Mr. Trump, the United States now appears to be throwing its weight behind an almost unheard-of and unworkable idea: moving the roughly two million Palestinians remaining in Gaza to neighboring countries and rebuilding the enclave under American control. Hamas has already rejected that proposal as a non-starter.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, who stood alongside Mr. Trump when he announced his proposition for Gaza at the White House, said in a statement on Tuesday that he would convene the country’s security cabinet — a small group of senior ministers — to discuss Israel’s position in the “phase two” talks upon his return from Washington.

On Saturday, Hamas is expected to release the next group of hostages held in Gaza in exchange for Palestinians jailed by Israel. The two sides have conducted four hostage-for-prisoner swaps so far, prompting emotional scenes among both Israelis and Palestinians.

Hamas condemned Mr. Trump’s remarks but gave no indication that they would derail the upcoming exchange. The group is on Friday scheduled to announce the names of the next three hostages slated for release, after which Palestinian officials will receive a list of prisoners who will be freed from Israeli jails the following day.

Trump’s Gaza plan would violate international law, experts say.

President Trump’s proposal for the United States to take over Gaza, transfer its population to Egypt and Jordan and redevelop it into the “Riviera of the Middle East” would unquestionably be a severe violation of international law, experts say.

Forced deportation or transfer of a civilian population is a violation of international humanitarian law, a war crime and a crime against humanity. The prohibition against forced deportations of civilians has been a part of the law of war since the Lieber Code, a set of rules on the conduct of hostilities, was promulgated by Union forces during the U.S. Civil War. It is prohibited by multiple provisions of the Geneva Conventions, and the Nuremberg Tribunal after World War II defined it as a war crime.

The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court lists forcible population transfers as both a war crime and a crime against humanity. And if the displacement is focused on a particular group based on their ethnic, religious or national identity, then it is also persecution — an additional crime. (Because Palestine is a party to the International Criminal Court, the court has jurisdiction over those crimes if they take place within Gaza, even if they are committed by citizens of the United States, which is not a member of the court.)

When Mr. Trump was asked how much of Gaza’s population he wanted to move, he said, “all of them,” adding, “I would think that they would be thrilled.” And when he was pressed on whether he would force them to go even if they did not want to, Mr. Trump said, “I don’t think they’re going to tell me no.”

Janina Dill, the co-director of the Oxford Institute for Ethics, Law and Armed Conflict, said in a statement that forcing Gazans to leave would be a crime: “The scale of such an undertaking, the level of coercion and force required, hence the gravity, make this a straightforward crime against humanity.”

It would be a further, severe violation for the United States to permanently take over the territory of Gaza. The specifics of that violation would depend partly on whether Palestine is considered a state, said Marko Milanovic, a professor of international law at the University of Reading in England. The United Nations has recognized Palestinian statehood, but the United States has not.

The prohibition on one state annexing all or part of another state’s territory is one of the most important, foundational principles of international law. “There’s a clear rule,” Professor Milanovic said. “You cannot conquer someone else’s territory.” It is rare for states to violate that rule, and when they have, as in the case of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the response has been widespread global condemnation.

Aggression, which the International Criminal Court defines as a state using force “against the sovereignty, territorial integrity or political independence of another State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Charter of the United Nations,” is also a crime. The court would not be able to prosecute Mr. Trump or other U.S. officials for that crime, because unlike with other war crimes, it can only prosecute aggression if it is committed by a citizen of a member state. But lack of jurisdiction would not mean that the conduct itself is legal.

And even if Gaza is not considered part of a state, U.S. annexation of the territory would still violate the civilian population’s right to self-determination. The International Court of Justice has ruled twice that the Palestinian people are entitled to that right within Gaza.

“If you take it without their consent, you’re violating their right to self-determination,” Professor Milanovic said. “There’s really no doubt about that.”

Mr. Trump seemed unconcerned with how his proposal might be viewed by the institutions that underpin the international legal system, and he has shown little interest in having the United States participate in those institutions. On Tuesday, he signed an executive order calling for a general review of U.S. funding for and involvement in the United Nations, raising questions about the U.S. commitment to that global body. He also withdrew the United States from the U.N. Human Rights Council.

Even if Mr. Trump’s Gaza plan ultimately does not move forward, his attitude toward international law could have serious consequences for U.S. interests around the world, Professor Dill said.

“Trump is just casually making major international crimes into policy proposals,” she said. “He just normalizes violating, or proposing to violate, the absolute bedrock principles of international law.”

By appearing to disregard the value of those rules, Mr. Trump could send a message that he is not strongly committed to defending them in other contexts, such as a potential Chinese invasion of Taiwan, Professor Dill said.

“If we live in a world where conquest is normalized and the legal rule is simply set aside, we live in a completely different world, in a world that’s incredibly dangerous also for Americans,” she said.

News Analysis

A question surrounding Trump’s plan: Does he mean it?

President Trump’s plan to place Gaza under American occupation and transfer its two million Palestinian residents has delighted the Israeli right, horrified Palestinians, shocked America’s Arab allies and confounded regional analysts who saw it as unworkable.

For some experts, the idea felt so unlikely — would Mr. Trump really risk American troops in another intractable battle against militant Islamists in the Middle East? — that they wondered if it was simply the opening bid in a new round of negotiations over Gaza’s future.

To the Israeli right, Mr. Trump’s plan unraveled decades of unwelcome orthodoxy on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, raising the possibility of negating the militant threat in Gaza without the need to create a Palestinian state. In particular, settler leaders hailed it as a route by which they might ultimately resettle Gaza with Jewish civilians — a long-held desire.

To Palestinians, the proposal would constitute ethnic cleansing on a more terrifying scale than any displacement they have experienced since 1948, when roughly 800,000 Arabs were expelled or forced to flee during the wars surrounding the creation of the Jewish state.

“Outrageous,” said Prof. Mkhaimar Abusada, a Palestinian political analyst from Gaza who was displaced from his home during the war. “Palestinians would rather live in tents next to their destroyed homes rather than relocate to another place.”

“Very important,” wrote Itamar Ben-Gvir, a far-right Israeli lawmaker and settler leader, in a social media post. “The only solution to Gaza is to encourage the migration of Gazans.”

“Comical,” said Alon Pinkas, a political commentator and former Israeli ambassador. “This makes annexing Canada and buying Greenland seem much more practical in comparison.”

But it is the very outlandishness of the plan that signaled to some that it was not meant to be taken literally.

Just as Mr. Trump has often made bold threats elsewhere that he ultimately has not enacted, some saw his gambit in Gaza as a negotiating tactic aimed at forcing compromises from both Hamas and from Arab leaders.

In Gaza, Hamas has yet to agree to fully cede power, a position that makes the Israeli government less likely to extend the cease-fire. Elsewhere in the region, Saudi Arabia is refusing to normalize ties with Israel, or help with Gaza’s postwar governance, unless Israel agrees to the creation of a Palestinian state.

Mr. Trump’s maximalist plans may have been an attempt to get both sides to shift their positions, Israeli and Palestinian analysts said.

Faced with a choice between preserving its own control over Gaza and maintaining a Palestinian presence there, Hamas might perhaps settle for the latter, according to Michael Milshtein, an Israeli analyst of Palestinian affairs.

And Saudi Arabia is being prodded to give up its insistence on Palestinian statehood and settle instead for a deal that preserves Palestinians’ right to stay in Gaza but not their right to sovereignty, according to Professor Abusada, the Palestinian political scientist.

Saudi Arabia swiftly rejected Mr. Trump’s plan on Wednesday, issuing a statement that underlined its support for Palestinian statehood. But some still think the Saudi position could change. During Mr. Trump’s previous tenure, in 2020, the United Arab Emirates made a similar compromise when it agreed to normalize ties with Israel in exchange for the postponement of Israel’s annexation of the West Bank.

“Trump is showing maximum pressure against Hamas to scare them, so they make real concessions,” Professor Abusada said. “I also think he is using maximum pressure against the region, so they would settle for less in exchange for normalization with Israel. Exactly like what the U.A.E. did.”

In turn, Mr. Trump has given the Israeli right a reason to support an extension of the cease-fire, Israeli analysts said.

For more than a year, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s right-wing allies have threatened to collapse his coalition if the war ends with Hamas still in power. Now, those hard-liners have an off-ramp — a pledge from Israel’s biggest ally to empty Gaza of Palestinians at some point in the future.

Nadav Shtrauchler, a former adviser to Mr. Netanyahu, referring to those right-wing elements, said, “In time, they will need to see some evidence that it is actually happening.”

But for now, he added, “They will be more patient.”

Gabby Sobelman contributed reporting from Rehovot, Israel.

Allies and foes decry Trump’s plan: ‘Out of the question.’

He has cast himself as a “uniter,” and indeed on Wednesday, President Trump brought together allies and adversaries around the world in opposition to his proposal to take over the Gaza Strip and eject its two million Palestinian residents to neighboring countries.

Not only did Mr. Trump’s suggestion that the war-torn enclave could become a “Riviera of the Middle East” alarm leaders and politicians from China to Canada, it also threatened a yearslong U.S. ambition to broker normalized diplomatic relations between Israel and Saudi Arabia.

Within hours of Mr. Trump’s assertions, the Saudi government repeated its “unwavering position” that any broader peace deal with Israel would be contingent on the creation of an independent Palestinian state and affirmed its “unequivocal rejection” of any proposal that would force Palestinian people from their territory.

“The international community has a duty today to alleviate the severe humanitarian suffering endured by the Palestinian people, who will remain steadfast on their land and not move from it,” declared a statement issued Wednesday morning by the Saudi Foreign Ministry.

Mr. Trump has previously suggested that Palestinians be moved from Gaza to Egypt and Jordan, comments he reiterated on Tuesday. The foreign ministry of Egypt, another key U.S. partner, said in a statement that aid and recovery programs for Gaza must begin “without the Palestinians leaving.” King Abdullah of Jordan on Wednesday rejected any attempt to displace Palestinians and annex their land, according to the Jordanian royal court.

Even an initial reaction from Russia, which has been a pariah in the West since it invaded Ukraine in 2022, seemed to speak for much of the international community.

“This is out of the question,” Russia’s ambassador to the United Nations, Vasily Nebenzya, told Al-Jazeera. “The Palestinians don’t want it, the world community doesn’t want it, and you cannot forcefully resettle someone, somewhere. The Palestinians suffered so much injustice in their existence that this one, on top of all the others, would be a real shame.”

Some foreign officials questioned the dearth of details that the White House has offered for how it would be executed. Unilaterally asserting control over someone else’s territory and the forcible removal of an entire population would violate international law.

“I was speechless when I heard this announcement, I’m circumspect, I don’t know if it’s serious or not,” Thani Mohamed-Soilihi, a French diplomat, told a French radio station on Wednesday morning.

Later, the French Foreign Ministry released a statement opposing any forced displacement of Palestinians in Gaza, which it said would not only destabilize the Middle East but also “constitute a serious violation of international law.”

Some sought to strike a balance between rejecting Mr. Trump’s proposition for Gaza — delivered with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu by his side — without criticizing Mr. Trump directly.

“I’m not going to have a running commentary on statements by the president of the United States,” said Prime Minister Anthony Albanese of Australia. “I’ve made that very clear.”

He affirmed that Australia was committed to a two-state solution that would give Palestinians sovereignty over their territory alongside Israel. “Australia’s position is the same as it was this morning, as it was last year, and it was 10 years ago,” Mr. Albanese said.

(An Australian senator, Lidia Thorpe, was less diplomatic, calling Mr. Trump’s proposal “a blatant call for ethnic cleansing and colonization.”)

Prime Minister Keir Starmer of Britain also avoided challenging Mr. Trump directly. Gazans “must be allowed home, they must be allowed to rebuild and we should be with them in that rebuild on the way to a two-state solution,” Mr. Starmer said. He also said that it was important that the cease-fire “is sustained,” that “the remaining hostages come out,” and that “aid that’s desperately needed gets into Gaza.”

Here’s what some other international officials are saying:

  • Canada: “Gaza belongs to Palestine — and no one else,” said Jagmeet Singh, a member of Parliament and leader of Canada’s left-of-center New Democratic Party. “Trump’s threats are utter madness,” he said in a social media post, adding that “Canada must stand up to this forcefully. Gaza is not for sale, it belongs to the Palestinians.”

  • China: “Palestinian rule over Palestinians is the basic principle of the postwar governance of Gaza, and we are opposed to the forced transfer of the residents of Gaza,” Lin Jian, the Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman, told reporters on Wednesday.

  • Germany: Annalena Baerbock, Germany’s foreign minister, said in a statement that displacing Palestinians from Gaza would be “unacceptable and in breach of international law.” She said a “negotiated two-state solution remains the only solution which will enable both Palestinians and Israelis to live in peace, security and dignity.”

  • Ireland: “Any idea of displacing the people of Gaza anywhere else would be in clear contradiction with U.N. Security Council resolutions,” said Foreign Minister Simon Harris.

  • Spain: Foreign Minister Jose Manuel Albares told Euronews that Gaza “belongs” to the Palestinians and “we must help them to rebuild their new life.”

  • Turkey: Displacing Palestinians from Gaza is “unacceptable,” the Turkish foreign minister, Hakan Fidan, told the Anadolu news agency. He said the world seemed to be moving toward the “law of the jungle” where “might makes right.”

Aaron Boxerman contributed reporting.

Gideon Saar, Israel’s foreign minister, praised Trump for his “out of the box ideas” on Gaza, saying that the enclave “in its current form has no future.” Saar appeared to defend Trump’s contentious proposal that Palestinians leave Gaza en masse. “As long as people emigrate of their own free will — anywhere in the world — and there is a country willing to accept them, can anyone say that’s immoral or inhumane?” he said in Israel’s Parliament.

Turkey’s foreign minister has said that the idea of moving all Palestinians out of Gaza is unacceptable. “It is even wrong to open that to discussion,” Hakan Fidan, the minister, said in a televised interview. Turkey is against any initiative that would exclude the Gazan people, he said.

Egypt’s foreign minister spoke to the prime minister and foreign minister of the Palestinian Authority on Wednesday about removing debris from Gaza, expediting humanitarian aid and starting recovery programs “without the Palestinians leaving,” according to a statement from Egypt’s foreign ministry.

Far-right Israeli politicians continue to celebrate Trump’s remarks as a vindication of their ideology. Bezalel Smotrich, the hardline finance minister, called the president’s proposal “the true answer to Oct. 7,” a reference to the Hamas-led attack on Israel in 2023 that ignited the war in Gaza.

“Those who committed the most horrific massacre on our territory will lose their own territory forever,” Smotrich said.

The internationally backed Palestinian Authority appeared to reject President Trump’s proposal for Gazans to leave the enclave, without mentioning him by name. The Palestinian leadership “rejects all calls for expelling the Palestinian people from its homeland,” said Hussein al-Sheikh, a senior advisor to Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian president.

The Palestinian Authority has sought to rehabilitate its once-adversarial relationship with Trump since he returned to office. His latest remarks could pose a serious challenge to that rapprochement.

In Israel, politicians began to consider President Trump’s remarks. Itamar Ben-Gvir, until recently the country’s hard-line national security minister, said Trump’s plan to move Gazans en masse echoed his own idea of “encouraging” Palestinians to emigrate.

“When I said over and over again during the war that this was the solution to Gaza, they mocked me,”Ben-Gvir said. “Now it’s clear to all: This is the only solution.”

Among the center-right opposition to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the response to President Trump’s remarks was more muted.

Benny Gantz, a former member of Netanyahu’s emergency war cabinet, congratulated Trump for “creative, original and interesting thinking” without endorsing his proposals. Yair Lapid, the leader of Israel’s parliamentary opposition, told an Israeli radio station, “One needs to see details before commenting on plans.” Both men praised Trump for what they called his support for Israel.

President Trump’s statements about taking control of Gaza reflect confusion and deep ignorance about the Palestinian territories and the region, Izzat al-Rishq, a Hamas official, said in a statement.

Any solution must be based on ending Israel’s occupation, Mr. al-Rishq said, not “on the mentality of a real estate trader.”

Saudi Arabia reiterates ‘unwavering’ support for a Palestinian state.

Saudi Arabia reaffirmed its support for an independent Palestinian state on Tuesday and said establishing diplomatic ties with Israel would depend on the creation of such a state, hours after President Trump proposed permanently moving all Palestinians out of Gaza and making it a U.S. territory.

The Foreign Ministry’s statement early Wednesday local time, which said that Saudi support for a Palestinian state was “firm and unwavering,” contradicted Mr. Trump. While hosting Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel at the White House on Tuesday, the president had said that Saudi Arabia was not insisting on a Palestinian state.

“Saudi Arabia is going to be very helpful, and they have been very helpful. They want peace in the Middle East,” Mr. Trump added later, during a joint news conference with Mr. Netanyahu.

“The U.S. will take over the Gaza Strip, and we will do a job with it, too,” Mr. Trump said. He added that the United States would dispose of unexploded munitions and rebuild Gaza, which he described as a “demolition site.”

A sweeping deal that would see Saudi Arabia normalize relations with Israel is one of the Trump administration’s top goals in the Middle East. During Mr. Trump’s first term, the United States brokered the Abraham Accords, under which the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain normalized ties with Israel.

Before the war in Gaza began in 2023, Saudi Arabia appeared close to setting up diplomatic relations with Israel without meeting the precondition of a Palestinian state. But Saudi statements since then have indicated that such a deal is a long way off.

On Wednesday, the kingdom reiterated its “unequivocal rejection” of any infringement on the rights of the Palestinian people, including attempts to displace them.

The Geneva Conventions, which the United States and Israel both ratified, prohibit the forcible relocation of populations.

The war in Gaza began after the Hamas-led attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, in which the Israeli authorities say about 1,200 people were killed and about 250 were taken hostage. The Israeli assault on Gaza has killed at least 45,000 people, according to the enclave’s health officials. Much of Gaza has been destroyed.

A lasting end to the fighting in Gaza is seen as crucial to the Trump administration’s ambitions in the Middle East.

“I think that peace between Israel and Saudi Arabia is not only feasible, I think it’s going to happen,” Mr. Netanyahu said at the White House news conference. Facing Mr. Trump, Mr. Netanyahu said: “I think that if we had another half a year in your first term, it would have already happened.”

Here are five takeaways from Trump’s news conference with Netanyahu.

Follow reactions to President Trump’s Gaza proposal.

President Trump said Tuesday that the United States should take over Gaza and forcibly relocate two million Palestinians to other countries, describing his plan as a humanitarian effort to provide a “beautiful” new home for people displaced by a devastating war.

The proposal, delivered during a news conference at the White House with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, upended decades of American foreign policy in the Middle East even as negotiations for the second phase of cease-fire between Israel and Hamas were continuing.

Here are five takeaways:

Trump discarded decades of U.S. diplomacy.

By proposing that the United States take over Gaza, Mr. Trump injected his administration directly into one of the most sensitive flash points in the Middle East. For years, under presidents of both major parties, the United States has backed the idea of a “two-state solution” in which Palestinians and Israelis would live side-by-side in peace.

In a day, Mr. Trump abandoned that notion, replacing it with a completely different idea.

“Everybody I’ve spoken to loves the idea of the United States owning that piece of land,” he told reporters. “Developing and creating thousands of jobs with something that will be magnificent.”

In fact, the leaders of Egypt and Jordan had already rejected the idea of taking in Palestinians. And on Tuesday, representatives of Hamas called the idea of relocating close to two million people “a recipe for creating chaos and tension in the region.”

Mr. Trump did not cite any legal authority giving him the right to take over the territory, nor did he address the fact that forcible removal of a population violates international law.

His remarks came at a point of extreme sensitivity.

Mr. Trump’s proposal came in the middle of precarious negotiations to establish a permanent cease-fire between Israel and Hamas that could end the fighting and lead to the release of the hostages still being held in Gaza.

It was unclear on Tuesday what effect the president’s comments might have on those talks. Mr. Netanyahu agreed on Monday to send a team to Doha, Qatar, where representatives of Israel and Hamas had begun discussions.

Hamas leadership has insisted that they will remain in control of Gaza after the war ends, extending their dominance in the enclave. Aides to Mr. Trump said Tuesday morning that the United States would not tolerate Hamas remaining in power.

But the president’s proposal for a U.S. takeover of Gaza went even further than his aides had suggested earlier in the day.

Logistical questions went unaddressed.

Mr. Trump left unexplained how a U.S. takeover of Gaza would be enacted, whether the use of force would be required and how two million people would be moved to other countries against their will, and who would finance and build the gleaming and modern “Riviera” he envisioned.

Mr. Trump repeatedly said on Tuesday that the leaders of Egypt and Jordan would accept the Palestinians despite their saying that they would not.

“They say they’re not going to accept,” Mr. Trump said. “I say they will.”

He conceded that American troops might be necessary — or might not — but did not answer questions about opposition that might come from both Palestinians and Israelis about a foreign power taking over the land.

Mr. Trump suggested that other countries would pay for the reconstruction of a place he described as “a hellhole.” But he also said he envisioned “a long-term ownership position,” without explaining what parts of the area would be owned by the United States or how that would be legal.

The idea echoes his other expansionist aspirations.

Mr. Trump’s proposal was in step with his embrace of imperialism since beginning his second term.

Since Jan. 20, he has proposed taking over Greenland, a semiautonomous part of Denmark. He has threatened to use military and economic force to return control of the Panama Canal to the United States. He has repeatedly said that Canada should be made America’s 51st state and has threatened economic consequences if that doesn’t happen.

There has already been strenuous opposition to each of those ideas, and the proposal to take over Gaza seemed certain to generate even more controversy.

On Tuesday, Mr. Trump insisted that Palestinians would embrace his idea because of the bombing that leveled their homes during the war between Hamas and Israel. “The only reason the Palestinians want to go back to Gaza is they have no alternative,” he said.

The remarks startled observers, and they were intended to.

The proposal to take over Gaza was another example of the “shock and awe” approach to governing that Mr. Trump has taken since his return to office.

In the first two weeks of his presidency, he has sought to destabilize, defund or eliminate some of the biggest institutions in the country.

Aides said it was part of a strategy to go big in his effort to dramatically reshape the country. The Gaza proposal appeared to be a continuation of that effort to disrupt the status quo.

Mr. Netanyahu, who stood beside Mr. Trump during Tuesday’s news conference, appeared to agree. “You cut to the chase,” Mr. Netanyahu told Mr. Trump. “You see things others refuse to see.”

Trump’s proposal to ‘take over’ Gaza sparks immediate rebukes.

President Trump’s declaration on Tuesday evening that the United States could “take over” the Gaza Strip and that its Palestinian population could be permanently displaced was immediately criticized in the Middle East and beyond.

At a joint White House news conference with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, Mr. Trump said, “The U.S. will take over the Gaza Strip, and we will do a job with it, too.” He said the enclave, which has been devastated by more than 15 months of war between Israel and Hamas, could be redeveloped and turned into “the Riviera of the Middle East.”

Riyad Mansour, the leader of the Palestinian delegation to the United Nations, said on social media that instead of being relocated to other countries, the Palestinians in Gaza should be allowed to reclaim what were once Palestinian homes in Israel.

“For those who want to send” Gazans “to a happy ‘nice place,’” Mr. Mansour said, using language that Mr. Trump had employed, “let them go back, you know, to their original homes inside Israel. There are nice places there, and they will be happy to return to these places.”

He added that Palestinians wanted to rebuild Gaza themselves, and he urged world leaders to respect their wishes.

The foreign ministry of Saudi Arabia issued a statement that did not directly refer to Mr. Trump’s remarks, though the timing suggested that it was a response to his proposal. The ministry said it was reaffirming its “complete rejection of any infringement on the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, whether through Israeli settlement policies, annexation of Palestinian lands or attempts to displace the Palestinian people from their land.”

“The duty of the international community today is to work to alleviate the severe human suffering that has been inflicted upon the Palestinian people, who will remain committed to their land and will not move from it,” the ministry said.

In the United States, Senator Chris Murphy, Democrat of Connecticut, said that Mr. Trump’s proposal — which flies in the face of decades of debate over how to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict — was meant to distract people from Elon Musk’s sweeping attempts to downsize the U.S. government on Mr. Trump’s behalf.

“I have news for you — we aren’t taking over Gaza,” Mr. Murphy said on social media. “But the media and the chattering class will focus on it for a few days and Trump will have succeeded in distracting everyone from the real story — the billionaires seizing government to steal from regular people.”

Another Democratic senator, Chris Van Hollen of Maryland, called Mr. Trump’s proposal “ethnic cleansing by another name,” adding, “This declaration will give ammunition to Iran and other adversaries while undermining our Arab partners in the region.”

A former Republican congressman from Michigan, Justin Amash, whose family is of Palestinian origin, also compared Mr. Trump’s proposal to ethnic cleansing. “If the United States deploys troops to forcibly remove Muslims and Christians — like my cousins — from Gaza, then not only will the U.S. be mired in another reckless occupation but it will also be guilty of the crime of ethnic cleansing,” he said. “No American of good conscience should stand for this.”

On Saturday, a broad group of Arab nations had rejected an earlier suggestion from Mr. Trump that Gazans to be moved to Egypt and Jordan — a proposal that did not mention the United States taking over the enclave. In a joint statement, the countries said that such a plan would risk further expanding the conflict in the Middle East.

The statement, signed by officials from Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries, said that any plan encouraging the “transfer or uprooting of Palestinians from their land” would threaten stability in the region and “undermine the chances of peace and coexistence among its people.”

Nihad Awad, the national executive director of the Council on American-Islamic Relations, rejected Mr. Trump’s Tuesday proposal in a statement, saying that forcible expulsion of Palestinians from Gaza would spark conflict, mar the United States’ reputation and render international law meaningless. (When asked on Tuesday whether he would force Palestinians to leave, Mr. Trump said, “I don’t think they’re going to tell me no.”)

“Gaza belongs to the Palestinian people, not the United States, and President Trump’s call to displace Palestinians from their land either temporarily or permanently is an absolute non-starter,” Mr. Awad said in his statement. “Jordan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the entire Muslim world have made it clear that this delusional idea is unacceptable.”

Israel’s far-right finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, who argues that Israel should annex Palestinian territories, appeared to delight in Mr. Trump’s proposal. In a social media post after Mr. Trump’s remarks, he thanked the president in Hebrew without specifying what he was thanking him for, and he said, “Even better and even better.”

In English, next to emojis of the Israeli and American flags, Mr. Smotrich added, “Together, we will make the world great again.”

Liam Stack contributed reporting.

West Bank? Call it Judea and Samaria, some Republicans say.

Donald J. Trump’s return to power as president has bolstered right-wing lawmakers in Israel and the United States who support Israeli annexation of the West Bank, an occupied territory long seen by Palestinians and the international community as part of an eventual Palestinian state.

On Friday, Republican lawmakers in the House and Senate introduced bills that would bar the use of the term “West Bank” in United States government documents and materials, replacing the phrase with “Judea and Samaria,” the biblical names for the region that are widely used in Israel and the administrative name used by the state to describe the area.

The linguistic proposition is aimed at strengthening and supporting Israel’s historical claim to territory that it captured from Jordan in the 1967 war and has occupied militarily ever since. And it comes as the Israeli military has been conducting intense raids in the area, which it says are intended to eradicate terrorism.

“The Jewish people’s legal and historic rights to Judea and Samaria goes back thousands of years,” Senator Tom Cotton, Republican of Arkansas, said in a statement about the legislation. He called for the United States to “stop using the politically charged term West Bank”; opponents of annexation say it is the term Judea and Samaria that reflects a political agenda.

Representative Claudia Tenney, Republican of New York, another sponsor of the bill, also announced the recent creation of a congressional group — the Friends of Judea and Samaria Caucus — to advance policies that support Israeli claims to that land. By introducing the bill and creating the caucus, “we are working to reaffirm Israel’s rightful claim to its territory,” she said in a statement.

The legislation, which Ms. Tenney first introduced last year, is being proposed again amid drastically changed dynamics in Washington, where Mr. Trump has made his strong support for Israel explicit. Republicans now control Congress, with slim majorities in the House and Senate. The president has indicated support for expansionist Israeli policies, and in his first term proposed Israeli annexation of a large part of the West Bank.

On Tuesday, Mr. Trump met with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel in Washington, Mr. Trump’s first visit with a foreign leader since returning to the White House last month. Asked on Monday at a news briefing, in anticipation of that meeting, whether he supported annexing parts of the West Bank, the president declined to respond directly, but he did not dismiss the idea altogether either.

“It certainly is a small country in terms of land,” he said in reference to Israel. Mr. Trump used an analogy to illustrate his point: “My desk is the Middle East. And this pen, the top of the pen, that’s Israel. That’s not good, right? It’s a pretty big difference.”

Since Israel seized control of the West Bank, hundreds of thousands Israeli civilians have settled there with both tacit and explicit government approval, living under civil law while their Palestinian neighbors, kept stateless, are subject to military law and have fewer rights.

The growing number and size of the settlements have steadily eroded the land accessible to Palestinians. Expanding Israel’s hold over the West Bank is a stated goal of many lawmakers in Mr. Netanyahu’s far-right governing coalition, and many settlers hope Mr. Trump will support the project.

The international community largely views the Israeli settlements as illegal, and Palestinians have long argued that they are a creeping annexation, turning land needed for an independent state into an unmanageable patchwork.

In 2019, the previous Trump administration declared that the United States did not consider Israeli settlements in the West Bank illegal, reversing longstanding American policy under both Democrats and Republicans, and removing what had been seen as an important barrier to annexation. Last year, Antony J. Blinken, then secretary of state, said that Israeli settlements were inconsistent with international law and that the Biden administration opposed them.

As president last year, Joseph R. Biden Jr. also signed an executive order allowing the United States to impose sanctions on people disturbing peace in the West Bank, citing a surge in settler violence. Mr. Trump revoked that order on his first day in office.

Brad Brooks-Rubin, formerly a senior adviser in the State Department’s Office of Sanctions Coordination, argued in a recent post on Just Security, an online law forum, that the Trump administration’s revocation “provides a psychological and rhetorical victory” for the settlement movement and its allies, “especially in the United States.”

The move also heartened expansionist Israeli lawmakers. Israel’s far-right finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, a settler himself and a vocal opponent of a Palestinian state, welcomed Mr. Trump’s reversal as an expression of the president’s “deep connection to the Jewish people and our historical right to our land.” On Sunday, as Mr. Netanyahu was headed to Washington, Mr. Smotrich called Mr. Trump “a lover of Israel” on social media and said, “We must strengthen our grip and sovereignty over the homeland in Judea and Samaria.”

Still, Republican support for the settler movement and changes to the language of the discussion surrounding their effort have some pro-Israel lobbyists in Washington worried about Israel’s long-term prospects for peace and improved relations with regional neighbors.

“What’s dangerous about this proposal isn’t what they want to call the land; it’s the proposal to affirm Israeli sovereignty over it,” said Jeremy Ben-Ami, president of the Jewish pro-peace advocacy group J Street. “That’s called annexation, which is not just illegal under international law, but the death knell for any hope of Israel normalizing relations with Saudi Arabia and the Sunni Arab world.”

Trump Proposes U.S. Takeover of Gaza and Says All Palestinians Should Leave

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Trump Proposes U.S. Takeover of Gaza and Says All Palestinians Should Leave

The president met with the Israeli prime minister at the White House, meeting in person with another world leader for the first time since returning to power.

Follow reactions to President Trump’s Gaza proposal.

President Trump declared on Tuesday that the United States should seize control of Gaza and permanently displace the entire Palestinian population of the devastated seaside enclave, one of the most brazen ideas that any American leader has advanced in years.

Hosting Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel at the White House, Mr. Trump said that all two million Palestinians from Gaza should be moved to countries like Egypt and Jordan because of the devastation wrought by Israel’s campaign against Hamas after the terrorist attack of Oct. 7, 2023.

“The U.S. will take over the Gaza Strip, and we will do a job with it too,” Mr. Trump said at a news conference Tuesday evening. “We’ll own it and be responsible” for disposing of unexploded munitions and rebuilding Gaza into a mecca for jobs and tourism. Sounding like the real estate developer he once was, Mr. Trump vowed to turn it into “the Riviera of the Middle East.”

While the president framed the matter as a humanitarian imperative and an economic development opportunity, he effectively reopened a geopolitical Pandora’s box with far-reaching implications for the Middle East. Control over Gaza has been one of the major flash points of the Arab-Israeli conflict for decades, and the idea of relocating its Palestinian residents recalls an era when great Western powers redrew the maps of the region and moved around populations without regard to local autonomy.

The notion of the United States taking over territory in the Middle East would be a dramatic reversal for Mr. Trump, who first ran for office in 2016 vowing to extract America from the region after the Iraq war and decried the nation-building of his predecessors. In unveiling the plan, Mr. Trump did not cite any legal authority giving him the right to take over the territory, nor did he address the fact that forcible removal of a population violates international law and decades of American foreign policy consensus in both parties.

He made the proposal even as the United States was seeking to secure the Israel-Hamas cease-fire’s second phase, which is designed to free the remaining hostages in Gaza and bring a permanent end to the fighting. Negotiators had described their task as exceptionally difficult even before Mr. Trump announced his idea of ousting Palestinians from their homes.

Hamas, which has ruled in Gaza for most of the past two decades and is re-establishing control there now, immediately rejected mass relocation on Tuesday, and Egypt and Jordan have rejected the idea of taking in a large influx of Palestinians, given the fraught history, burden and destabilizing potential.

Sami Abu Zuhri, a senior Hamas official, said that Mr. Trump’s proposed relocation was “a recipe for creating chaos and tension in the region.”

“Our people in Gaza will not allow for these plans to come to pass,” he said in a statement distributed by Hamas. “What is needed is the end of the occupation and the aggression against our people, not expelling them from their land.”

Mr. Trump waved aside the opposition from Arab countries like Egypt and Jordan, suggesting that his powers of persuasion would convince them.

“They say they’re not going to accept,” Mr. Trump said during an earlier meeting with Mr. Netanyahu in the Oval Office. “I say they will.”

Mr. Netanyahu, sitting at Mr. Trump’s side, smiled with satisfaction as the president first outlined his ideas. Later, during the joint news conference, the Israeli prime minister heaped praise on Mr. Trump.

“You cut to the chase,” Mr. Netanyahu told Mr. Trump. “You see things others refuse to see. You say things others refuse to say, and after the jaws dropped, people scratch their heads and they say, ‘you know, he’s right.’”

“This is the kind of thinking that will reshape the Middle East and bring peace,” he added.

In his remarks, Mr. Trump insisted that Palestinians would quickly warm to his idea.

“I don’t think people should be going back to Gaza,” Mr. Trump said. “I heard that Gaza has been very unlucky for them. They live like hell. They live like they’re living in hell. Gaza is not a place for people to be living, and the only reason they want to go back, and I believe this strongly, is because they have no alternative.”

He suggested that nations in the region could finance the resettlement of Gazans to new places — perhaps “a good, fresh, beautiful piece of land” — that would provide better living conditions, either as a single territory or as many as a dozen. “It would be my hope that we could do something really nice, really good, where they wouldn’t want to return,” he said without offering details of what that would entail.

Asked how many Palestinians he had in mind, he said, “all of them,” adding, “I would think that they would be thrilled.” Pressed repeatedly on whether he would force them to go even if they did not want to, Mr. Trump said, “I don’t think they’re going to tell me no.”

Gaza has a long and tortured history of conflict and crisis. Many Gazans are descendants of Palestinians who were forced out of their homes during the 1948 war after Israel’s independence, an event known around the Arab world as the Nakba, or catastrophe. Now Mr. Trump is suggesting that they be displaced again, even though the Geneva Conventions — international agreements that the United States and Israel both ratified — bar forcible relocation of populations.

Egypt captured Gaza during the 1948 war and controlled it until Israel seized it, along with other Palestinian territory, in a 1967 war against a coalition of Arab nations seeking to destroy the Jewish state. Palestinians in Gaza waged violent resistance for years afterward, and Israel eventually withdrew from Gaza in 2005.

But within two years, Hamas, an avowed enemy of Israel that the United States and other nations have designated a terrorist group, took control of the enclave and used it as a base for war against Israel.

For years, Israel blockaded Gaza while Hamas fired rockets and staged terrorist attacks, culminating in the October 2023 operation that killed 1,200 people and led to the capture of 250 more. Israel retaliated with an unrelenting military operation that killed more than 47,000 people, according to Gazan health officials, whose count does not distinguish between civilians and combatants.

In the weeks since a cease-fire that President Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s administration negotiated and that Mr. Trump pushed came into effect, hundreds of thousands of Palestinians who were repeatedly displaced throughout the war have returned to their homes in Gaza to find them and their communities demolished. Steve Witkoff, Mr. Trump’s Middle East envoy, visited Gaza last week and said it would take 10 to 15 years to reconstruct.

“If you had damage that was one-hundredth of what I saw in Gaza, nobody would be allowed to go back to their homes,” Mr. Witkoff told reporters on Tuesday. “That’s how dangerous it is. There’s 30,000 unexploded munitions. It is buildings that could tip over at any moment. There’s no utilities.”

Picking up on the theme later in the day, Mr. Trump said it was not realistic to have Palestinians return to Gaza. “They have no alternative right now” but to leave, Mr. Trump told reporters before Mr. Netanyahu’s arrival.

“I mean, they’re there because they have no alternative,” he said. “What do they have? It is a big pile of rubble right now.” He added: “I don’t know how they could want to stay. It’s a demolition site. It’s a pure demolition site.”

Mr. Trump suggested the resettlement of Palestinians would be akin to the New York real estate projects he built his career on. “If we could find the right piece of land, or numerous pieces of land, and build them some really nice places with plenty of money in the area, that’s for sure,” he said. “I think that would be a lot better than going back to Gaza.”

“I do see a long-term ownership position” for the United States, Mr. Trump said, adding that “everybody I’ve spoken to loves the idea of the United States owning that piece of land, developing and creating thousands of jobs with something that will be magnificent.”

Mr. Trump’s summit with Mr. Netanyahu was his first in-person meeting with another world leader since his return to power two weeks ago. It was part of a multiday visit to Washington by Mr. Netanyahu that was meant to demonstrate the close ties between the two leaders.

Mr. Trump and Mr. Netanyahu forged a close partnership during the president’s first term but fell out toward its end over a number of issues, including the Israeli leader’s willingness to congratulate Mr. Biden on his victory in the 2020 election, which Mr. Trump insists he won. Mr. Trump and Mr. Netanyahu have since sought to smooth over their rift.

But Mr. Netanyahu went into his meeting at odds with Mr. Trump on several important issues, according to analysts, likely including how to confront Iran’s nuclear ambitions and how quickly to end the war in Gaza.

The Trump administration has made clear that it wants to see all of the hostages held by Hamas returned and then move on to a grand bargain involving Saudi Arabia that formalizes relations with Israel.

Saudi Arabia reiterated support for an independent Palestinian state on Tuesday and said forging ties with Israel would depend on the creation of such a state.

Advisers to Mr. Trump told reporters on Tuesday morning that the president and Mr. Netanyahu were united behind the idea that Hamas should not be allowed to remain in power.

With Mr. Netanyahu’s right-wing government in jeopardy if the war ends with Hamas still in control in Gaza, and with no other plan for the area in place, analysts expect the Israeli prime minister to try to delay moving toward a permanent cease-fire.

“Netanyahu made this salami deal,” said Shira Efron, the senior director of policy research at the Israel Policy Forum, a New York-based research group, referring to the three-phased agreement with Hamas. “He’s always playing for time and kicking the can down the road.”

Adding to the anxiety in the region were reports on Monday that U.S. intelligence officials believe Iran is seeking to build a cruder atomic weapon that could be developed quickly if the leadership in Tehran decided to do so.

It remains unclear whether that decision has been made, and Iran’s new president has indicated that he would like to begin a negotiation with Mr. Trump’s administration even as the country’s nuclear scientists push ahead with their efforts.

Mr. Trump on Tuesday signed an order directing a return to the policy of “maximum pressure” on Iran through sanctions, but avoided hostile language and refused to say whether he would support an Israeli strike on Iranian nuclear facilities, an indication of his interest in reaching an agreement. “This is one I’m torn about,” he said as he signed the order. “Hopefully, we’re not going to have to use it very much.”

Edward Wong contributed reporting from Washington, and Adam Rasgon from Jerusalem. Ephrat Livni contributed research.

Foreign Strongmen Cheer as Musk Dismantles U.S. Aid Agency

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Foreign Strongmen Cheer as Musk Dismantles U.S. Aid Agency

Leaders in Russia, Hungary and El Salvador welcomed the Trump administration’s assault on U.S.A.I.D., which many authoritarians have seen as a threat.

When Elon Musk set about “feeding U.S.A.I.D. into the wood chipper,” as he put it, it wasn’t only supporters of President Trump’s “America First” agenda who were cheering the dismantlement of the foreign aid agency.

The Kremlin was, too.

“Smart move,” Dmitri A. Medvedev, a former Russian president who is currently the deputy chairman of the country’s security council, chimed in from Moscow, which for years had chafed at the U.S. Agency for International Development’s actions before forcing it out of the country in 2012.

In Hungary, Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who is closely aligned with President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, celebrated what he called an end to the funding of “globalist” organizations in a Facebook post on Tuesday. Mr. Orban’s political director said he “couldn’t be happier” with what Mr. Musk and Mr. Trump were doing. (Mr. Musk reposted the comment on Tuesday.)

Nayib Bukele, the leader of El Salvador, who has embraced strongman tactics to crack down on gang violence, also struck out at the aid programs, saying in a post that funds had been “funneled into opposition groups, NGOs with political agendas and destabilizing movements.”

As protesters in Washington gathered on Monday in front of the U.S.A.I.D. headquarters to support the agency, leaders intolerant of dissent rejoiced. Mr. Trump’s administration was dismantling an agency they long have seen as a threat, often for pointing up their governments’ transgressions.

Agency grants to promote democracy, human rights and good governance have gone to support election monitoring groups, anti-corruption watchdogs, independent media outlets and human rights organizations — exactly the kind of oversight that leaders like Mr. Putin detest.

Democracy initiatives amounted to $1.58 billion of U.S.A.I.D. funding in 2023, a sliver of the agency’s annual budget. But they can attract outsize attention. Grant recipients often cross swords with the world’s authoritarian leaders, who view the activities as a threat to their power.

Mr. Orban — who met in December with Mr. Trump and Mr. Musk — and other foreign officials have persisted in asking the U.S. government to end such programs over the years.

“News of U.S.A.I.D.’s dismantlement will be celebrated by dictators around the world and lamented by democrats around the world,” said Thomas Carothers, a former State Department official who leads the democracy, conflict and government program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington.

Discontinuation of the democracy and human rights funding, he said, would have a significant impact on small organizations, which often find themselves waging David vs. Goliath battles.

“It means that anti-corruption activists trying to expose government theft are unable to do that,” Mr. Carothers said. “It means that independent news outlets that are struggling to stay free of government control don’t have the resources to do that. It means that lots of people fighting against repressive power will be less able to do that.”

U.S.A.I.D. has come under fire for wasteful spending in the past, particularly during the war in Afghanistan, when hundreds of millions of dollars were spent on botched projects, such as an incomplete road and a minimally used power plant. But Mr. Musk has said the entire agency needs to “die,” not just wasteful programs.

Much of U.S.A.I.D.’s work focuses on health and humanitarian assistance. In 2023, the agency provided more than $1.9 billion in food aid. The agency also delivers vaccines, H.I.V. treatment and childbirth care, and combats malaria, tuberculosis and other diseases.

The drive by Mr. Trump and Mr. Musk to unravel the agency is part of a wider campaign against almost all American foreign aid. Mr. Trump signed an executive order on Jan. 20 ordering a halt to the aid so that the government could review programs.

On Monday, Secretary of State Marco Rubio said he was taking over as acting administrator of U.S.A.I.D. That was followed on Tuesday night by an official memo posted online that said the entire global work force of the agency would be put on leave by the end of Friday.

Earlier, officials at a different aid agency, the State Department’s bureau for democracy, human rights and labor, issued stop-work orders to contractors.

Authoritarian leaders have criticized the bureau’s work, which includes significant democracy promotion programs, and they would welcome any erosion of its authority.

U.S.A.I.D. funding for those same kinds of initiatives has had significant impact abroad.

In Russia, for example, the election monitoring group Golos, which received the American grants, documented extensive voting irregularities during the 2011 parliamentary elections. Anger about those violations led to the biggest protests to date against Mr. Putin’s rule and galvanized a broader opposition movement led by the late Aleksei A. Navalny.

At the time, Mr. Putin likened foreign grant recipients to Judas. The following year, as he pushed Russia deeper into authoritarianism, he terminated all of the agency’s programs in the country.

In 2023, after Mr. Putin ordered a Russian invasion of Ukraine and led a broad crackdown at home, the co-founder of Golos, Grigory Melkonyants, was jailed. He is being tried for carrying out the activities of an “undesirable” organization, and has pleaded not guilty.

In nations once in Moscow’s orbit, including Ukraine, the top recipient of U.S.A.I.D. funds, a withdrawal of U.S. aid would benefit the Kremlin, some analysts say. Elsewhere in the world, particularly in nations where Washington and Beijing have been competing, China could fill the void.

“Trump’s administration and Musk’s actions have created significant opportunities for China and other authoritarian regimes,” said Li Qiang, the founder of China Labor Watch, which seeks to end the forced labor and trafficking of Chinese workers. The group’s State Department funding has been frozen.

“The U.S. reduction in foreign aid and focus on economic development is essentially mimicking China’s successful model: prioritizing economic growth while neglecting human rights, environmental protection, and labor rights,” Mr. Li said.

The Trump administration has portrayed U.S.A.I.D. programs as an example of liberal culture run amok, and of government waste.

The White House press secretary, Karoline Leavitt, on Monday accused the agency of wasting taxpayer money to promote diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives in Serbia and Ireland, a “transgender comic book” in Peru and a “transgender opera” in Colombia.

Three of the four grants she cited were not in fact U.S.A.I.D. programs, according to a review of government records by The New York Times. They were initiatives funded directly by the State Department. The Biden administration expanded support for L.G.B.T. rights abroad and diversity initiatives, but the bulk of U.S.A.I.D.’s work is focused elsewhere.

Iran’s criticism of the agency has been more conspiratorial. It has accused the U.S. government of plotting covert operations aimed at overthrowing the Iranian leadership through funding Persian media outlets and human rights organizations focused on Iran. Iranian state media routinely have labeled these funds and groups as “C.I.A. operatives,” to discredit them.

Mr. Musk is using some of the same rhetoric, denouncing the agency as a “criminal organization” and amplifying conspiratorial posts.

Some of Mr. Musk’s comments were indistinguishable from those that Vyacheslav Volodin, chairman of the lower house of the Russian Parliament, made on Telegram on Wednesday, when he, too, called U.S.A.I.D. a “criminal organization.”

Humanitarian initiatives can enhance American “soft power,” supporters say, which can buy the United States good will and leverage in countries across the world for a comparatively small fraction of federal spending. In 2023, U.S.A.I.D. funding represented approximately 0.7 percent of the U.S. federal budget. In 2021, before the war in Ukraine, it accounted for 0.4 percent.

The broadside against the agency in Washington has led some to wonder if European governments or private donors will step in to pay for the threatened initiatives.

Mikhail Khodorkovsky, the exiled Russian oil tycoon and Putin opponent, said in a message on Telegram on Monday that he and a fellow Russian businessman, Boris Zimin, would step in to fund “Russian-language media, human rights and analytical projects, as well as humanitarian projects operating in Ukraine.” But he cautioned they wouldn’t be able to help all grant recipients in full.

Zselyke Csaky, a senior research fellow at the Center for European Reform, calculated that the United States spends about $2 billion a year on direct democracy promotion programs, including both direct State Department funds and U.S.A.I.D. grants. Europe, she said, spends about $4 billion, and would need to spend about 50 percent more to make up the difference.

“I find that honestly quite unlikely,” Ms. Csaky said.

The immediate problem, she said, is the speed of the dismantling. “This is happening right now, and I know many organizations that will need to shut down,” she said.

“By the time European countries respond,” she said, “there may not be much of the ecosystem to save.”

Edward Wong contributed reporting from Bangkok, Farnaz Fassihi from New York and Linda Qiu from Washington.

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Migrants Are Deported to India on U.S. Military Plane

Migrants Are Deported to India on U.S. Military Plane

The flight appeared to be the first use of an American military aircraft to deport people to India, which is one of the top sources of illegal immigration to the United States.

A U.S. military plane with at least 100 migrants aboard landed in India on Wednesday, officials said, the longest such deportation flight since President Trump took office and a sign that countries whose leaders he favors will not be spared his immigration crackdown.

It appeared to be the first use of an American military aircraft to deport people to India, which is one of the top sources of unauthorized immigration to the United States. More than 1,000 Indians were sent back to the country last year on commercial flights.

Officials in the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who enjoys a close relationship with President Trump, have expressed confidence that India is better positioned than most countries to deal with the Trump administration, and they have publicly expressed a willingness to accept deportees.

But Kuldeep Singh Dhaliwal, a minister in the state government of Punjab, where the plane landed on Wednesday, criticized Mr. Trump’s tough stance on illegal immigration and suggested that Mr. Modi’s government should do more to resist him.

“The Indian federal government must take this very seriously — after all, there are people from many Indian states who have been deported,” he said in an interview on Tuesday. “And what is their crime? They may have gone illegally, but it was for their livelihoods. I am greatly disheartened. President Trump must give these people another chance and, on humanitarian grounds, do a rethink of his decision.”

Mr. Dhaliwal said that he would be at the airport to receive the deportees and ensure that they were not treated as criminals.

The Pew Research Center estimated in 2022 that more than 700,000 undocumented Indian immigrants were living in the United States, more than from any country but Mexico and El Salvador. Recent reports in Indian news media said that just under 20,000 migrants were scheduled for imminent deportation.

Indians are among the migrants from around the world who have illegally entered the United States through Mexico in growing numbers in recent years. Last year, more than 25,000 Indians were arrested while trying to cross the southern border illegally, according to U.S. government data. Indian migrants also contributed to rising numbers of arrests at the northern border with Canada last year.

Hamed Aleaziz contributed reporting from Washington.

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Sweden was reeling and the authorities were searching for answers on Wednesday after what the government called the worst mass shooting in the country’s history.

The attack unfolded on Tuesday at an adult education center in the city of Orebro, west of Stockholm, the capital. The police said that at least 11 people were killed — with the suspect believed to be among the dead.

With Sweden in mourning, the authorities had yet to establish a motive or identify who was involved. Here’s a look at what we know.

Gunfire erupted at about 12:30 p.m. at the Risbergska educational center, which offers classes to about 2,000 adults. Cellphone footage broadcast on local television showed students cowering under desks and chairs.

The authorities responded with a “major operation,” sending police cars and armed officers swarming onto the campus. Nearby schools were briefly put on lockdown.

Early reports said that at least five people had been shot. On Wednesday morning, the police said in a statement that 11 people had been killed and that “the person who the police believe is the suspect is among the deceased.”

At least six adults were wounded, the police added, saying that they were working to identify the victims and notify their families. The authorities also said that six officers had been treated for smoke inhalation after responding to the scene.

The police have not identified the suspect or speculated about a motive. They said in their statement only that the suspect was “previously unknown to police.”

“We will return to the motive behind the shooting later,” they added.

The authorities initially said that “everything indicates that the perpetrator acted alone without an ideological motive.” But on Wednesday, they said they were still working to understand the circumstances and “whether more people are involved” — urging any witnesses to come forward.

“If you have videos, we want to see them,” Roberto Eid Forest, the head of the local police, said. “If you were there, we want to talk to you.”

The attack sent shock waves through Sweden. Before Tuesday’s shooting, the country had experienced at least two school attacks in the last decade, but neither was carried out with a gun.

Sweden has long been known for low crime rates and high living standards, but statistics show that it has been grappling with one of the highest per capita rates of gun violence in the European Union.

Sweden has strict gun laws. Licenses require hefty application fees and are normally granted for hunters or members of sports shooting clubs, according said Sven Granath, a criminologist at Stockholm University.

“Legal guns, guns licensed to an owner, were seldom used in violent crimes in Sweden,” Mr. Granath said.

Still, gun violence has been on the rise, with 2022 seeing a record number of 391 episodes according to police figures. Mr. Granath said most of those crimes were linked to the drug trade and gangs, which control stockpiles of firearms smuggled in from postwar Balkan countries, Eastern Europe and Turkey. However, he said what happened on Tuesday was different.

The shooting in Orebro, he said, appeared to more closely resemble school shootings in the United States because police said it appeared that the perpetrator acted alone.

Families of the dead and wounded were gathering outside the educational center in Orebro, which remained shuttered and cordoned off with blue and white police tape on Wednesday. Police officers stood guard around the yellow-brick building as people placed flowers and candles outside the center, which offers classes to adults studying for a high school diploma.

Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson, who had ordered flags flown at half-staff in response to what he called a “horrific act of violence,” visited the makeshift memorial. King Carl XVI Gustaf of Sweden and Queen Silvia, his wife, also came to lay flowers.

“We are very shocked,” the king said, according to Agence France-Presse.

Peter Larsson, the municipal director of Orebro, said the educational center would remain closed for at least the rest of the week.

“I’m devastated,” Mr. Larsson said. “It’s really, very heavy.”

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On a typical day, the Risbergska educational center in the Swedish city of Orebro would be thrumming with students gathering to attend classes in subjects like construction, child care and Swedish for immigrants.

On Wednesday, a day after a mass shooting left at least 11 people dead and sent shock waves throughout Sweden, the school was empty as the community came to terms with the violence and some waited for news of their loved ones’ fate.

“These people who were killed here yesterday, they had dreams to become doctors, nurses, engineers, plumbers or something else,” said Shams Ulqamar Andesh, standing outside the campus where he had spent four years learning Swedish.

Mr. Andesh, 42, moved to Sweden from Afghanistan in 2012. His time at the educational center had helped him land a job as a truck driver for the national postal service, and his wife became a nurses’ aide after attending classes there.

“It was my school,” he said.

Mr. Andesh was among the handful of residents and former students who gathered near the school, placing flowers and candles on the sidewalk or staring at the building that is now the center of what Sweden’s leaders have described as the worst mass shooting in the country’s history.

The police had cordoned off the campus with blue and white tape to keep the public away from what is now a crime scene under investigation, and several officers were standing guard around the yellow brick building.

Mr. Andesh said a close family friend had been rushed to a nearby hospital after being shot in the attack. “We’re waiting to hear from her doctor what happens next,” he said.

A university town with a 13th-century castle, Orebro is 120 miles west of Stockholm and about 180 miles from Oslo, the capital of neighboring Norway. In recent years, Orebro, with a population of 160,000, has become home to immigrants from 165 countries, according to the municipality’s website.

The Risbergska educational center, which caters to about 2,000 students and offers vocational classes and lessons for adults studying for a high school diploma, had become foundational for newly arrived immigrants, those gathered there on Wednesday said.

Kathryn and Lars Banck’s younger son, who has Down syndrome, takes special education classes at the school and was scheduled to attend an English class at the campus on Tuesday, but it was canceled before the attack. Their older son had attended the school when it was a high school.

“It’s tragic,” Ms. Banck, 72, a Boston native, said as she laid candle outside the school. “It’s just like the U.S.A.”

As Sweden faces one of the European Union’s highest per capita rates of gun violence, Orebro has seen an increase in it, too — along with the public debate it has prompted in Sweden.

“We have had lots of incidents,” Mr. Banck said. “But nothing of this magnitude.”

Rolf Lidskog, who teaches sociology at Orebro University, said in a telephone interview that in his more than 40 years living there, he has seen the city grow to become wealthier and more diverse, but also more unequal and segregated.

Mr. Lidskog said the city’s residents had also become more open to tougher policing and security measures.

The authorities have not determined the attacker’s motive, but Mr. Lidskog said he had felt some relief after police reports suggested that the attacker was likely a lone wolf rather than part of a gang — a sign that the deadly violence might be an isolated episode.

“Maybe it could be just a very, very sad memory,” he said.

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It was a hectic Monday morning for Peter Mandelson, who was packing up his home before heading to Buckingham Palace for an audience with King Charles III, on the eve of becoming Britain’s ambassador to the United States.

But the stress of leaving London may not compare to what awaits Mr. Mandelson when he lands in Washington on Wednesday. Few British diplomats have taken on a job as fraught with political risk as Mr. Mandelson’s. His first day at the embassy will coincide with President Trump’s 18th day in the Oval Office — and already, some of America’s sturdiest alliances are teetering.

As he packed boxes, Mr. Mandelson was keeping an eye on Mr. Trump’s latest exchanges with Canada and Mexico, after he had imposed — then paused — sweeping tariffs. The European Union looked to be next in his cross hairs. Mr. Trump was gentler about Britain, suggesting to reporters that a deal “could be worked out,” though he claimed its trade balance with the United States was “way out of line.”

“I’m not going to tell the president his business when it comes to trade,” Mr. Mandelson said in an interview, striking a scrupulously diplomatic tone. But he insisted, “We have a balanced trade relationship with the U.S. It’s balanced in goods; it’s balanced in services.”

For Mr. Mandelson, the trick will be to keep Britain out of Mr. Trump’s line of fire — and to do it at a time when Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s left-of-center government is trying to reset its relationship with the E.U., to which Mr. Trump has long been hostile.

Mr. Mandelson has already been denounced by a faction of Trump loyalists, who failed to scuttle his nomination but may have played into his decision to apologize on Fox News last week for deriding Mr. Trump during his first term as a “white nationalist” and a “danger to the world.”

Mr. Mandelson knows the ins and outs of trade flows: He served as the European Union’s trade commissioner from 2004 to 2008, and then headed Britain’s Board of Trade until 2010. He said he hoped his experience would help him make a persuasive case on behalf of Britain, which runs either an $89 billion trade surplus or a $14.5 billion deficit with the United States, depending on whether one cites British or American statistics. (The difference rests in part on how the two sides treat offshore financial centers like Jersey and Guernsey, which are crown dependencies.)

“If I can use that knowledge to advance some mutual understanding, I will do so,” he said. Still, he was quick to add, “I’m not going to be front-of-house in making arguments against the president’s policies. My job is to act behind the scenes to explain our countries’ policies to each other.”

Such a low profile makes sense in Mr. Trump’s Washington, given the president’s history of clashing with big personalities. But it is out of character for Mr. Mandelson. In a four-decade political career, he thrust himself repeatedly into the spotlight. As a young strategist for the Labour Party, he was known for his ruthless tactics, earning the nickname the Prince of Darkness.

Since then, Mr. Mandelson, 71, has fallen in and out of favor with successive Labour leaders, from Tony Blair, for whom he was once a trusted adviser, to Mr. Starmer, to whom he became close before his election victory last July.

Mr. Starmer’s decision to appoint Mr. Mandelson to a post as sensitive as ambassador to the United States surprised some in London, given the prime minister’s reputation for caution and Mr. Mandelson’s reputation for swagger and sharp elbows.

A few of those elbows were thrown at Mr. Trump. In addition to his comments in a 2019 interview with an Italian journalist, Mr. Mandelson wrote a column in 2018 for a London paper, The Evening Standard, in which he took Mr. Trump to task for imposing tariffs on China. The president, he wrote, was a “bully and a mercantilist.”

Mr. Mandelson said, “I completely stand by the intellectual argument” about the negative effect of tariffs. But he said he regretted his choice of words about Mr. Trump. He chalked it up to the inflamed atmosphere in Britain, which was then negotiating its exit from the European Union.

“In 2019, I was a bit irate,” he said. “But nonetheless, the words I used about the president were childish and wrong.”

Mr. Mandelson is also under pressure because he is replacing Karen Pierce, a popular envoy known for having built bridges to people in Mr. Trump’s orbit. When his appointment was announced in December, Chris LaCivita, a Republican strategist who comanaged Mr. Trump’s campaign, posted, “replace a professional universally respected Ambo with an absolute moron — he should stay home!”

Among his other critics were Stephen K. Bannon, Mr. Trump’s former chief strategist, and Raheem Kassam, the British-born former editor of Breitbart News in London. Mr. Bannon said he had objected to Mr. Mandelson’s business dealings in China, while Mr. Kassam said he was “Tony Blair’s most effective operator,” which he did not mean as a compliment.

“Whether it’s a rejection of his credentials, or bringing him to heel, it’s a victory,” Mr. Kassam said of the campaign against him.

Still, Mr. Mandelson drew no public opposition from other powerful Trump allies, like the technology billionaire Elon Musk, or hawkish Republicans like Secretary of State Marco Rubio. He would hardly be the first person who once denigrated Trump to win forgiveness.

Mr. Mandelson emphasized his ties to Silicon Valley, which he visited as a minister in 1998 to draw up a white paper on Britain’s competitiveness. He said his experience in China, which deepened during years of running a consulting firm, Global Counsel, would help him nurture joint British and American competition with China.

“Our chief goal must be to win the advanced technology race,” he said. “We can only win that race together, not divided.”

Mr. Mandelson’s defenders say his heavyweight credentials and cosmopolitan manner could appeal to Mr. Trump, who may recognize in him a fellow player. While they do not know each other, they have moved in similar social circles. Mr. Mandelson sits in the House of Lords, the kind of sinecure that Mr. Trump might also appreciate.

“London will be hoping that assigning a political figure of Mandelson’s stature and intellect will be seen as a compliment, and his experience of trade policy in Brussels not an impediment but an asset,” said Peter Westmacott, who was ambassador during the Obama administration.

Kim Darroch, who served as ambassador during Mr. Trump’s first term, said, “I suspect he’s taken this job because he’s addicted to the political game, and this is a way back on to the field. He’s relentlessly engaged in it, relentlessly curious about it, and exceptionally good at it.”

Mr. Darroch, however, offers a lesson in the perils of diplomacy during a Trump presidency. He was forced to resign in 2019 after a London paper published confidential cables in which he offered an unfiltered, unflattering take on the president.

Mr. Mandelson will try to avoid those traps, in part by playing to Mr. Trump as a deal maker. He rejected suggestions that Britain needed to choose between the United States and Europe. Britain, he said, was merely trying to “tidy up” a flawed trade deal negotiated by Mr. Starmer’s Conservative predecessors.

“What we want with the E.U. is complementary to the U.S.,” he said.

“We got a bad deal with the E.U.,” he added. “The president understands what a bad deal looks like.”

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Vice President Sara Duterte of the Philippines was impeached by lawmakers on Wednesday, further escalating political tensions in a strategically important American ally in Asia.

Ms. Duterte faced four complaints over her alleged misuse of millions in public funds and her pronouncements that she had made plans to assassinate Mr. Marcos, his wife and the speaker of the House of Representatives, who is Mr. Marcos’s cousin.

A little over three years ago, Ms. Duterte and Mr. Marcos, both scions of notorious political dynasties, joined forces to run together in a national election. They promised national unity and were elected in a landslide victory in 2022. But their partnership was widely seen as a marriage of convenience and ruptured soon after.

Ms. Duterte has denied the accusations of corruption and cast the impeachment as politically motivated, a view shared by many Filipinos. Mr. Marcos has denied involvement in the impeachment proceedings, which threaten to end her political career.

“This is dragging the whole country to political chaos,” said Aries Arugay, chairman of the political science department at the University of the Philippines.

“Unlike in the U.S., she has no critical function here as vice president,” Mr. Arugay added. “So, why? The political motivation here is to stop the eventuality of a Sara Duterte presidency.”

Ms. Duterte has publicly spoken about running for president after Mr. Marcos’s single, six-year term ends in 2028.

The Dutertes and Marcoses are split over the Philippines’ relationships with the United States and China. Ms. Duterte’s father, the former President Rodrigo Duterte, pivoted toward Beijing when he was in office, while Mr. Marcos favors closer ties with Washington.

The impeachment move now risks escalating the feud between the two clans in the Philippines and their supporters. Paolo Duterte, a congressman and the younger brother of Ms. Duterte, said he was “appalled and enraged by the desperate and politically motivated efforts” to impeach his sister.

“If the Marcos administration thinks it can push this sham impeachment without consequence, they are gravely mistaken,” Mr. Duterte said in a statement. “Mark my words: This reckless abuse of power will not end in their favor.”

On Wednesday afternoon, 215 out of the 306 members of the House voted for the impeachment of Ms. Duterte. Applause broke out in the plenary hall after the official announcement of the results.

She will face a trial in the Philippine Senate when Congress reconvenes in June. A two-thirds vote is needed for conviction, and analysts say it’s unlikely the Senate, which is made up of pro-Duterte officials, will convict her.

Still, if she is found guilty, Ms. Duterte will be removed from office and disqualified from holding any public post. She can also face criminal and civil charges in court.

Many members of the public are fed up with the Marcoses and the Dutertes, and believe that the political drama is distracting the leaders from the main problems afflicting the country such as poverty and unemployment. Approval ratings for Mr. Marcos and Ms. Duterte have dipped significantly in recent months.

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Movies like Fellini’s 1960 film “La Dolce Vita” created an image of Italy as a smokers’ paradise. Cigarettes were the ubiquitous props of glamorous socialites, jaded reporters and just about anyone seated at a cafe.

Those days are long gone. A series of laws gradually banned smoking at shared indoor spaces like movie theaters and restaurants.

Now, the city of Milan’s center-left government has taken the crackdown one step further, becoming the first major Italian city to ban smoking outside unless the smoker is pretty far from other people. No more huddling around the doors of office buildings. And no more grabbing an after-dinner smoke at the outdoor tables at restaurants.

Under the new rules, which went into effect Jan. 1, smoking is banned everywhere except for “isolated areas where it’s possible to respect a distance of at least 33 feet from other people.”

“People will smoke a little less, which is good for their health and everybody’s health, and those who don’t smoke will be less exposed to secondhand smoke,” Milan’s deputy mayor, Anna Scavuzzo, said in a recent interview. “We will get used to the fact that smokers have to pay more attention to what they are doing, not nonsmokers.”

Milan is Italy’s fashion and design capital, known to attract chic — and often black clad — visitors for taste-setting events throughout the year. Those arriving for the fashion week this month will no longer find ashtrays on cafe tables, and the visitors who frequent the trendy Navigli district will be hard pressed to find someplace to light up.

For detractors, the new rules are an assault on more than just smoking, but on a cherished way of life.

“The real problem is not the cigarette, but the loss of freedom of choice,” Vittorio Feltri, one of the editors in chief of Il Giornale, a conservative Milan newspaper, bristled in an editorial. “In a world where we try to control every aspect of our lives, where we are afraid of everything and everyone, smoking outdoors, among friends, is not just a gesture of the convivial power of tobacco, but an act of rebellion against conformity.”

Smoking in public indoor spaces has been forbidden in Italy since 2005, when the national government enacted what was then one of the toughest laws in Europe. At the time, many questioned how effective the ban would be in Italy, where cigarettes after meals were as common as coffee. But Italians complied, if grudgingly, and the number of smokers has dropped from 22 percent to 19 percent of the population over 14 years of age, according to the national statistics agency ISTAT and health ministry data.

Milanese officials defend the new rules as possibly providing a further benefit. Milan is one of Italy’s most polluted cities and there are hopes that the outdoor restrictions will improve air quality by reducing some particulate matter. According to a regional health agency, cigarette smoke is responsible for 7 percent of the city’s particulate matter emissions.

Ms. Scavuzzo also said the new rules were fair partly because a vast majority of Italians do not smoke, so it was their right “to not have to breathe other people’s smoke.”

Roberto Carlo Rossi, the president of Milan’s medical guild, acknowledged the risk posed by secondhand smoke is less outdoors than indoors, adding that when people are 33 feet apart, “it’s difficult for smoke to create problems.” But he also said that it was never pleasant to smell smoke during a meal.

“It’s a question of good manners,” he said.

During a stroll through Milan’s city center last month, Anna Romano and Giorgia Cappello, pack-a-day smokers, sounded less upset than resigned. They said that when cravings struck, they sought isolated spots, and kept running into other smokers stealthily puffing in back streets.

“We were all maintaining our distance,” said Ms. Romano, suggesting that people were being respectful. “Or maybe they were afraid of getting fined,” chimed in Ms. Cappello. Fines range from 40 to 240 euro, or about $42 to $249.

Local police have been holding back on fines for outdoor smoking, with only 16 issued in the first three weeks of the new rules going into effect. But Ms. Scavuzzo said that such a soft approach might not last forever.

“If a measure isn’t accompanied by a fine,” she said, “Italians are not so Scandinavian that they’ll respect the law regardless.”

There are a few public critiques, like the doctored photo of Giuseppe Sala, the city’s mayor smoking with the tagline, “You’re not our father. Let us smoke” or a statue at the Milan Polytechnic university of Milan being fitted with a giant cigarette. But so far, griping has been subdued, if only because recent inclement weather has kept most people away from outdoor restaurant tables.

One person who is fuming nonetheless is Marco Barbieri, secretary general for the Milan branch of the Italian retailers’ association Confcommercio, which includes bars and restaurants. He is certain that members of his association will be singled out for fines because it’s easy to spot errant smokers dining or drinking outdoors.

“We all know smoking is bad for you,” he said, but the restrictions do “not have the noble objective to educate against smoking. It’s the usual measure which aims to inconvenience and create harm for businesses using the alibi that smoking is bad.”

He added that if city hall had really been concerned about health and pollution, it would have included electronic cigarettes in the ban. City officials have defended their actions, saying that those devices did not burn tobacco and, they believe, were unlikely to have much of an environmental impact. They added that users of e-cigarettes might eventually be held to the same standards as those who smoke regular cigarettes.

But the decision to limit the new rules to cigarettes has perplexed both health workers and researchers.

“This is a major flaw in the ban, because today young people start with electronic cigarettes,” and then move on to traditional cigarettes, which are relatively affordable in Italy, said Silvano Gallus, a researcher at the Mario Negri Institute in Milan. Studies show that more than half of Italian youths between 13 and 15 have tried electronic cigarettes at least once, a trend he called “an emergency.”

“It’s a pity that e-cigarettes were not banned,” said Anna Mondino, the scientific director of the AIRC Foundation for cancer research. “But we’re going to get there.”

Any restriction “is absolutely welcome,” she added, since such measures, along with advertising warnings on cigarette packages, had led to a drop in deaths from lung cancer and related diseases both in smokers and those exposed to secondhand smoke. That is no small thing, she said, “at a time when social medicine in Italy and elsewhere in the world is becoming essentially unaffordable.”

For now, some people are withholding judgment.

“It’s too soon to tell” whether the new rules will hurt business, said Edoardo Isella, the owner of the downtown Rubin Bar. “We’ll have to wait a few months, to see what happens.”

Nicolas Serra, a waiter at Biffi, a historic restaurant inside Milan’s downtown Galleria Vittorio Emanuele II, said the 33 feet rule would be difficult to maintain: “Prohibition is not the way to get people to stop smoking; the more you ban, the more people want to do it.”

But Ms. Mondino of the cancer research foundation has high hopes.

“Milan is a good test city, because it is used to changes,” she said. “If Milan implements it, maybe the rest of Italy will listen.”

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