INDEPENDENT 2025-04-05 00:13:14


The challenge facing Tsunoda? To master a car built for Verstappen

Out of all the drivers who have tried and failed to fulfil their promise at Red Bull, Alex Albon put it best – in a non-F1 spiel – in explaining the seismic challenge one faces with a car engineered to the demands of the team’s leading driver, Max Verstappen.

Now forming one half of Williams’s impressive driver line-up alongside Carlos Sainz after a difficult 18-month spell at Red Bull in 2019-20, Albon told The High Performace Podcast in 2023: “I would say my driving style is a bit more on the smooth side, but I like a car that has a good front-end, so quite sharp, quite direct.

“Max does too, but his level of sharp and direct is a whole different level – it’s eye-wateringly sharp. To give people kind of maybe an explanation of what that might feel like: if you bump up the sensitivity [on a computer game] completely to the max, and you move that mouse, and it’s just darting across the screen everywhere, that’s kind of how it feels.

“It becomes so sharp that it makes you a little bit tense.”

That sensitivity and haphazardness show the scale of the task ahead for Yuki Tsunoda, ahead of his Red Bull debut this weekend at his home race in Japan. Tsunoda received the call-up after a torrid first two races for Liam Lawson in Australia and China, which included a crash and two back-of-the-pack qualifying results.

Would Red Bull stay patient – or chop and change? The last decade has shown us that the axe Christian Horner and Helmut Marko wielded was no surprise, even after two races.

For Tsunoda, it is a terrific opportunity; of that, there is no doubt. The 24-year-old is in his fifth season in F1 and, originally overlooked for Sergio Perez’s seat in December, the Japanese driver seemed somewhat stuck at the Red Bull junior team. Too quick to stay forever; too unpredictable to warrant a promotion.

Yet now that time has arrived, appetisingly at his home event in Suzuka. Tsunoda was pictured saying goodbye to his friends at junior team Racing Bulls on Thursday, a day on from appearing in Red Bull colours for the first time publicly at a show-run in Tokyo. There’s no doubt who the talk of the town is.

But can he really work at one with his machinery in a way former teammates of Verstappen, such as Albon (2019-20), Pierre Gasly (2019) and Sergio Perez (2021-24), ultimately could not? It is a daunting challenge.

Tsunoda spent much of last week in Red Bull’s simulator in Milton Keynes and admitted on Thursday he could already feel the “instability” of this year’s unpredictable Red Bull car, the RB21.

“The simulator obviously is not fully correct in terms of the trickiness of the car, but at least it didn’t feel crazy tricky,” Tsunoda said. “I can feel what the drivers mentioned about the instability or lack of driving confidence.

“I did multiple set-ups that I wanted to try to make it better and those two days seemed pretty productive. I know what kind of direction I want to start and it seems to be a good baseline in terms of overall performance. So yeah, it was a really good simulator session.”

Unlike Lawson – at a new track in Shanghai a fortnight ago – Tsunoda will have the usual full set of three practice sessions this weekend to find his tune with the quirkiness of this year’s Red Bull challenger. And the early signs were promising, as he finished sixth overall on the timesheet on Friday, just 0.1 seconds behind Verstappen.

Yet even Verstappen, who only trails championship leader Lando Norris (who was quickest in first practice on Friday, with teammate Oscar Piastri fastest in the disrupted second session) by eight points despite his complaints, acknowledges that the RB21 needs a lot of work to become a championship contender as the season progresses.

“It is a little bit more nervous, a little bit more unstable in different corner phases,” Verstappen explained. The Dutchman, who implied he did not agree with Red Bull’s decision to drop Lawson, spent a portion of last week in Milton Keynes last week as well, keen to analyse and improve the car with his engineers.

“I think it’s a combination of a lot of things,” he elaborated. “It depends also on the corner speed, the tarmac, tyres, overheating, bumps, kerbs. Some tracks are more limiting than others. Some issues are easier to solve than others. Everyone is trying their hardest to make the car faster.”

Meanwhile, Tsunoda insists he has “confidence” in his own driving ability (after two impressive qualifying performances in the Racing Bull so far this year) and coupled with his new-found composure (as discussed with The Independent this week), there is little doubt that he is hitting his prime.

However, he’d be sensible to keep his feet on the ground.

Even Ferrari’s Lewis Hamilton has emphasised that expectations should be kept minimal when moving to a new team, with new personnel and practices to get accustomed to, as well as obviously the car itself.

Yet for now, nobody seems to have told Tsunoda that. The Japanese star already has his sights set on a home podium and is brimming with confidence.

“Everybody supports me a lot and tries not to put pressure on me, which is very kind of them,” he said.

“But honestly, make sure you have high expectations – and give me all the pressure you can!”

Scientists say ‘city-killer’ asteroid may be on collision course with Moon

A “city-killer” asteroid previously thought to be on a collision course with the Earth could smash into the Moon instead, new data suggests.

Asteroid 2024 YR4 caused global concern after its discovery last year as the space rock’s trajectory indicated a 3 per cent chance of it crashing into the Earth in December 2032. Estimates suggested the collision could shatter structures as far as 80km from the impact zone.

Subsequent observations of the rock reduced the threat to virtually zero.

But new direct observations of the asteroid by Nasa’s James Webb Space Telescope suggest a nearly 4 per cent chance of the rock smashing into the Moon.

Scientists say that even a 1 per cent chance of a rock this big hitting the Earth may warrant the development of deflection missions. “At this writing, a 2032 impact with the Moon has not been ruled out,” astronomers, including Andy Rivkin from Johns Hopkins University, write in a new study.

“After 2025 May, 2024 YR4 will next enter JWST observing window in the first part of 2026 as a challenging target, which may be worth pursuing to determine whether a lunar impact will occur,” the study, published in the journal RNAAS, notes.

There is still over 96 per cent chance that the asteroid will miss the Moon entirely, Nasa said in a statement on Thursday.

The latest observations also revise the space rock’s size from 40-90m to 53-67m, about the size of a 15-storey structure.

“While we are confident that 2024 YR4 will not hit the Earth in 2032, there is still great value in making these observations and analysing the results,” Dr Rivkin says.

“We expect more possible impactors to be found in coming years as more sensitive asteroid search programmes begin operation.”

Many scientists hope for the asteroid to impact the Moon as it could provide more data to prepare for future planetary defence operations.

“The possibility of getting a chance for an observation of a sizable Moon impact is indeed an interesting scenario from a scientific point of view,” Richard Moissl, head of the European Space Agency’s planetary defence office, says, adding the collision could be “valuable for planetary defense purposes”.

American tourist leaves can of coke on isolated tribe’s island

A 24-year-old American tourist has been detained in India for entering a remote tribal area where islanders have no contact with the outside world, police said on Wednesday.

Mykhailo Viktorovych Polyakov, whose father is from Ukraine, set foot on North Sentinel Island, a part of India’s Andaman Islands, in an attempt to make contact with the isolated Sentinelese tribe, police said.

He recorded his visit to the island, leaving a can of coke and a coconut on the shore as an “offering” to the people of the tribe.

The influencer, who runs a YouTube channel documenting extreme travel and previously visited Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, travelled nine hours in a small rubber dinghy with an outboard motor to reach the island and used binoculars to survey the area but saw no inhabitants.

He tried to get the attention of native people by blowing a whistle and briefly landed on the shore for a few minutes before leaving. He left the offerings and collected sand samples while recording a video, police said.

He arrived in the capital, Port Blair, on 27 March and was arrested three days later on Sunday after he was reported to police by locals, who saw him taking a boat to North Sentinel Island.

Andaman and Nicobar, a former British penal colony, is a group of 572 islands located more than 1,200km (700miles) from mainland India. The Indian government strictly monitors access to some remote parts of the federal territory, which are home to five known indigenous tribes, some of whom are hostile to outsiders.

These tribes, including the Sentinelese, Jarwa, Onge, Shompens, and Great Andamanese, and are among the world’s last remaining isolated communities.

Indians and foreigners alike are prohibited from traveling within 3 miles (5 km) of the island to protect the Indigenous people from external diseases and safeguard their way of life.

Andaman and Nicobar director general of police HS Dhaliwal said police were alerted after locals spotted the man near Khuramadera Beach in South Andaman, relatively close to the Jarwa Reserve Forest, which is a protected area for the Indigenous Jarwa tribe.

“We are getting more details about him and his intention to visit the reserved tribal area. We are also trying to find out where else he has visited during his stay in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. We are questioning the hotel staff where he was staying in Port Blair,” the police told Press Trust of India.

Mr Dhaliwal told AFP the American tourist “landed briefly for about five minutes, left the offerings on the shore, collected sand samples, and recorded a video before returning to his boat”.

“A review of his GoPro camera footage showed his entry and landing into the restricted North Sentinel Island.”

A formal complaint has been registered against him under the Foreigners Act, 1946, and for entering a tribal reserve or restricted area without permission.

Mr Polyakov was reportedly on his third trip to the islands after visiting twice last year. The police said they have informed the home ministry about his detention and that officials there were in touch with the US embassy.

Tribal lands are legally protected under the Andaman & Nicobar Islands (Protection of Aboriginal Tribes) Regulation, 1956, which prohibits unauthorised entry.

In 2018, American missionary John Allen Chau, 27, was killed by the Sentinelese, an endangered tribe, after illegally trying to enter their territory to preach Christianity. He was allegedly killed after tribespeople shot him with arrows as his boat approached the island.

In 2006, two Indian fishermen who accidentally drifted to the North Sentinel Island were killed by the Sentinelese tribe. When an Indian military helicopter later flew low over the island, tribal members fired arrows at it in a show of defiance.

The navy since enforces a three-mile buffer zone around the island, ensuring no outsiders come close.

South Korea court removes impeached president Yoon from office

South Korea’s constitutional court upheld president Yoon Suk Yeol’s impeachment on Friday and removed him from office.

The country will now hold snap elections to replace Mr Yoon in just 60 days from now.

In a unanimous verdict, the court found that Mr Yoon’s decision to impose martial law in December last year – plunging the country into uncertainty and political turmoil – was not justified.

Justice Moon Hyung-bae, acting president of the constitutional court, said the country was not facing a “national emergency” at the time. “It was a situation that could have been solved through means other than military deployment,” he said.

“The defendant not only declared martial law, but also violated the constitution and laws by mobilising military and police forces to obstruct the exercise of legislative authority,” Mr Moon said during the televised verdict. “Ultimately, the declaration of martial law in this case violated the substantive requirements for emergency martial law.”

He added: “Given the grave negative impact on constitutional order and the significant ripple effects of the defendant’s violations, we find that the benefits of upholding the constitution by removing the defendant from office far outweigh the national losses from the removal of a president.”

Mr Yoon’s attorney, Yoon Gap-geun, called the court’s decision “unfair”. He said: “The whole process of this trial itself was not lawful and unfair. And the result is something that we completely don’t understand from the perspective of law.”

He added: “I feel regrettable that this completely is a political decision.”

There were jubilant scenes on Friday at an anti-Yoon rally near the old royal palace in Seoul, where members of the public celebrated the court’s ruling.

Yoon supporters, meanwhile, are expected to intensify their rallies in the wake of the ruling. Police arrested one protester who reportedly broke a police bus window in the wake of the constitutional court’s verdict on Mr Yoon’s impeachment.

The opposition Democratic Party called the verdict a victory for the people, Yonhap news agency reported. Mr Yoon’s ruling party, the People Power Party, said it accepted the court’s decision and apologised to the Korean people.

Leif-Eric Easley, a professor at Ewha University in Seoul, said the court’s unanimous ruling “has removed a major source of uncertainty”.

“Korean government institutions have withstood a volatile mix of legislative obstruction and executive overreach that posed the greatest challenge to democracy in a generation. Now begins a compressed presidential election campaign that will stretch, if not tear, the social fabric of the country.”

South Korea’s acting president has issued an emergency order to maintain law and order in the country. Han Duck-soo will serve as the interim leader of the country until elections are held two months from now. “Respecting the will of our sovereign people, I will do my utmost to manage the next presidential election in accordance with the constitution and the law, ensuring a smooth transition to the next administration,” Mr Han said.

The national divide over Mr Yoon’s impeachment is likely to persist, further complicating South Korea’s attempt to navigate US president Donald Trump’s “America First” agenda and North Korea’s growing relationship with Russia. Despite being a vital US ally, South Korea was hit by a 25 per cent “custom” tariff in the trade measures unveiled by Mr Trump on Wednesday.

Mr Yoon’s martial law decree last year lasted only six hours but rattled financial markets and alarmed allies. Hundreds of soldiers were sent to the National Assembly, election offices and other key places. Special forces also clashed with protesters and tried to prevent lawmakers from entering parliament to vote down the decree – scenes that shocked South Koreans and the world.

Mr Yoon’s ouster follows that of Park Geun-hye, another former president, who was impeached eight years earlier over corruption and abuse of power.

In his closing testimony before the Constitutional Court, Mr Yoon described his decree as a last-ditch effort to rally public backing in his battle against what he called the “wickedness” of the Democratic Party, accusing it of blocking his agenda, impeaching key officials, and cutting the government’s budget. He had previously branded the National Assembly “a den of criminals” and “anti-state forces”.

Mr Yoon still faces criminal charges of rebellion, but experts say he’s unlikely to retreat quietly. He is expected to remain a prominent political force, mobilising his staunch supporters and shaping the election race to choose his party’s next leader.

The main opposition Democratic Party’s leader, Lee Jae-myung, is the current frontrunner, despite facing legal battles of his own.

Starmer’s local elections launch shows he knows Farage is real threat

There were two insurgent right-wing populists looming over Sir Keir Starmer’s local election launch on Thursday.

Donald Trump, because the US president’s “Liberation Day” tariffs threaten to blow the PM’s “plan for change” out of the water. And Nigel Farage, who Sir Keir fears will snap up hundreds of local council seats in Reform UK’s first major test since the general election.

The Reform UK leader has promised to field candidates in 99 per cent of the seats up for grabs, and could stamp his party’s authority as a real electoral force, not just a passing fad, in the polls amid anger among voters at Labour’s failings.

Sir Keir addressed the Conservatives’ record in national and local government, with deputy PM Angela Rayner and Labour chair Ellie Reeves both piling in on the Tory party’s failings over its 14 years in power.

But, making his pitch to voters ahead of polling day next month, it was all too clear that Sir Keir is focused on what he sees as the threat of the future – Reform – having vanquished the now dishevelled Conservatives in July.

The prime minister called for voters to get behind Labour nationally and locally, lashing out at “the parties that continue to put themselves before the country”. “I’m not just talking about the Tories,” he said.

He then launched into the most impassioned part of his speech, saying: “They can’t even run themselves. You can literally fit their MPs now in the back of a cab … and they still don’t know where they’re going.”

He went on: “They talk the language of workers’ rights. They talk it all right online, sometimes on the doorsteps. But what do they do? They voted against banning fire-and-rehire. They voted against scrapping exploitative zero-hour contracts.

“They voted against sick leave and maternity pay. That’s what they do. And what about the NHS? They want to charge people for using our NHS. They claim to be the party of patriotism. I’ll tell you this: there’s nothing patriotic about fawning over Putin.”

Sir Keir, Ms Rayner and Ms Reeves also peppered their speeches with references to tangible local matters such as potholes and community issues, with messaging from the anti-populist playbook of the PM’s chief of staff Morgan McSweeney.

Labour has steadily been ramping up its attacks on Reform as the party rises in the polls, with figures in Downing Street becoming increasingly aware of the threat Mr Farage’s party poses.

As well as threatening to pick up hundreds of council seats next month, Reform are frontrunners for the Runcorn and Helsby by-election to replace former Labour MP Mike Amesbury, who stood down after being convicted of punching a constituent.

Sir Keir’s attacks on the right-wing party follow the establishment of a group of 80+ Labour backbenchers to try to halt Reform’s rise. Government figures are also increasingly targeting the party: health secretary Wes Streeting used a recent hospital visit to warn against Reform’s stance on the NHS, with Labour confident they can convince voters that the health service is not safe in Mr Farage’s hands.

Sir Keir again referred to Reform in his Q&A with journalists, repeating the well-worn lines about Reform’s stance on Putin, workers’ rights and the NHS.

It was clear from the local election launch who Sir Keir sees as the real challenge next month, but if Mr Farage can ride out internal party rows and criticism over his closeness with Mr Trump, it looks unlikely that attacks from the PM will be able to halt his momentum.

Island hopping in Dubrovnik: from nature to adventure, your itinerary

There’s more to the area around Dubrovnik than just the beautiful, UNESCO-heritage city which has been drawing crowds for decades. So while you shouldn’t miss the chance to explore its medieval City Walls, take in its Baroque cathedrals and churches, or simply stroll along the Stradun, consider an island-hopping adventure, which will bring you back to nature and make you forget urban life…for a while, at least. The Croatian archipelago lies along the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea and has 1,244 natural formations, of which 78 are islands; so, where on earth to begin?

Start with Mljet, known as the ‘Green Island’ due to its dense forest. It takes around one hour and forty minutes to reach by ferry from Dubrovnik and also boasts Mediterranean landscapes, aquamarine seas, and soft, sandy shorelines. At its western end you’ll find 13,000 acres of tranquil National Park, criss-crossed with sheltered walking and cycling tracks, a ruggedly beautiful coastline, ancient ruins and saltwater lakes. Look out for the sprawling remains of a vast, 5th century Roman palace on the waterfront of nearby Polače village. If you enjoy hiking, one of the most popular trails leads to the summit of Montokuc, the highest point in the National Park, which will reward you with a stunning panorama of the island’s lush greenery, the Veliko Jezero and Malo Jezero lakes, and the Adriatic Sea that surrounds it.

However, if you prefer to explore on two wheels, there are several trails which take you through forests, along the lakeshore, and past beautiful viewpoints. These lakes (Velike means ‘Big Lake’ while Malo is ‘Small Lake’) are perfect for swimming and snorkelling – just dive right into their calm, crystal-clear waters. Alternatively, you can explore them by kayak, taking in the scenic forest and cliff views at your own pace; look out for the small islet of St Mary’s in the middle, home to an ancient Benedictine monastery.

Bigger, and a bit busier, is Korčula, whose unspoiled landscapes are reached by a two-hour ferry journey from Dubrovnik. The island got its name after the Ancient Greeks saw its dense oak and pine forests and called it Korkyra Melaina, meaning ‘Black Corfu’.

The medieval main town offers picturesque cobbled streets, crenellated walls and a 15th century Gothic Renaissance cathedral, which houses works by Venetian artist Tintoretto. Head to the top of its bell tower for magnificent views out to sea. Away from its quiet charm, you’ll also find unspoiled beaches and coves, and acres of vineyards and olive groves which produce the island’s excellent local olive oil and wine. Don’t miss the archaeological site of Vela Spila, on the west coast, a large, domed cavern which housed prehistoric communities over 18,000 years ago.

If it’s beaches you’re after, make a beeline for Lumbarda, a small fisherman’s village with the best – and only – sandy beaches on the island. Vela Pržina has year-round warm seas, while neighbouring Bilin Žal is popular with families thanks to its shallow water, ideal for paddling.

Korčula also has an archipelago of its own, called Škoji; hop on a water taxi from the old town’s marina to explore the idyllic isles of Badija, home to a 15th century Franciscan monastery and a herd of fallow deer, busier Stupe, home to buzzy beach clubs, restaurants and bars, and small, delightful Vrnik, with a pebbled beach perfect for paddling and sunbathing.

If all that feels like too much civilisation, head for Lastovo, a tiny paradise which is Croatia’s most remote inhabited island. With a population of less than a thousand people, this is where to visit when you want absolute quiet and seclusion. Here you’ll find thick forests, craggy coastline, and peaceful walking trails, where the only sounds you’ll hear are the waves rolling in, and occasional birdsong.

Together with its surrounding archipelago, it makes up the Lastovsko Otocje (Lastovo Nature Park), one of the best-preserved marine areas in the Adriatic. Think clifftop views, woodland hikes, and swimming around sea caves and coral reefs, all within a chain of small islands.

Whichever one you choose – and why not choose them all? – you can guarantee a truly magnificent holiday.

For more Dubrovnik travel inspiration and information, head to Visit Dubrovnik

What is the Chagos Islands deal with the UK that Trump has approved?

According to No 10, Donald Trump has “signed off” on the highly controversial Chagos Islands deal, drawing to a close the tortuous process of securing the future of the UK-US military base that has been operating on Diego Garcia since 1965.

It means formal sovereignty of the British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT) will be ceded to Mauritius, and comes as something of a shock to opponents who fully expected Mr Trump to reject the change. The long saga may be coming to a close…

Some of the basics are still unknown, especially as regards money, but the position will be that the BIOT – comprising the Chagos Islands and the military base – will be transferred to Mauritian sovereignty. In return, the UK has been promised a 99-year lease on the islands, with military use by the US part of the deal, in return for an annual fee. The fee has not yet been disclosed, but is thought to be some £90m per annum, inflation-linked.

The small matter of international law. Successive appeals by Mauritius to the UN and the International Court of Justice have left the status of the BIOT in doubt, generally favouring the Mauritian position.

The islands are plainly a colonial possession, acquired from France in 1814 after the Napoleonic Wars. As such they are subject to UN resolutions and decolonisation. The islands were carved out of what was then the crown colony of Mauritius as part of its 1968 granting of independence, but such coercion also violated international law. The UK could carry on ignoring the situation, but this would leave the legal status of the joint base in doubt and thus at risk. In a worst-case scenario, Mauritius could transfer sovereignty of “their” islands to, say, China or India. Generally, civilised nations are expected to abide by international law.

They’ve been shabbily treated for decades, having been forcibly evicted to make way for the base in the 1960s. The diaspora principally lives in Mauritius, the Seychelles and near Gatwick Airport, and have had no vote on the deal. Foreign secretary David Lammy insists they have been consulted throughout.

Not quite. Trump has approved it but the formality of Mauritius and the UK signing the agreement has yet to take place, after which the treaty will need to be approved by parliament and all the costs and clauses will be made public. Given the government’s majority and the backing of the White House, the deal is bound to be ratified.

The Conservatives and Reform UK describe it as such, and object to public money needed for vital services being transferred to Mauritius – but that seems to be the price for settling this long-running dispute. What financial contribution, if any, the US will make is not known. In the current wider context of defence and economic tensions between the UK and the US, the Chagos leasing costs might be considered a useful sweetener in the national interest.

No. Those few empire loyalists who feel passionately about the issue are a minority and would never vote Labour anyway, some because they haven’t forgiven Clement Attlee for giving up India. The often exaggerated cost of the lease (adding inflation over a century to invent a bogus cost in today’s money) is no more than a right-wing debating point. The Conservatives are compromised on this argument because they were in talks to “surrender” the BIOT for years, and no one thinks the deal can be reversed unless the Americans demand it.

It doesn’t feel like it, and the government says not. Nonetheless, there are parallels in their disputed colonial status. Before the 1982 Falklands War, a transfer and leaseback arrangement was freely raised by Britain as a way of ending the arguments in the South Atlantic.

The big shift in both these cases has been Brexit, with one EU member, Spain, having a vital interest in steering EU diplomacy towards regaining Gibraltar and a friendlier stance towards the Argentinian claim on the Falklands. The UK can no longer rely on the EU to back it up at the UN and elsewhere; indeed, the Brexit treaty gives Spain a special role with regard to Gibraltar, and the territory’s land and air border arrangements still haven’t been finally sorted out.

Like it or not, the sun has not fully set on the British empire.

Starmer is right to maintain dignity – and avoid upsetting Trump

The prime minister’s insistence that, in framing the UK’s response to the Trump tariffs, “We will always act in the national interest” was wise and reassuring. The mood at the moment is to “keep calm and carry on negotiating”, and if there is to be a response, it needs to be weighed, and to represent a fully informed choice. Hence the meeting of business leaders convened in Downing Street in the immediate aftermath of the US president’s announcements.

In the coming days, the full scale and nature of international retaliation will become clearer; so too will Donald Trump’s thinking. From his rambling presentation of the new tariff schedules in the White House Rose Garden, it is not obvious whether these punitive import taxes are designed to kickstart a more benign process involving a global relaxation of trade restrictions, or if they are part of a permanent policy shift aimed at restoring American manufacturing and providing trillions of dollars for the US Treasury. There is, in other words, no need for a rush to action.

Sir Keir Starmer is right to try to maintain the dignity of the nation, as well as to avoid upsetting the combustible Mr Trump, by limiting himself to vague remarks about having “levers at his disposal”. Businesses are being consulted on possible retaliatory actions, but that is all – at least for the time being.

However, with the US economy approximately seven times as large as that of the UK – and Britain still heavily reliant on America for its defence – those levers are not especially powerful ones. Unlike, say, China (in concert with Japan and South Korea), the European Union, Mexico or Canada, the UK lacks the necessary heft to inflict much material damage on American producers and exporters. Any effort to join in with an international assault on Mr Trump’s policy would risk attracting the imposition of even higher tariffs on UK exports, with the corresponding harm to British jobs and economic growth – and to European security and the Ukraine peace talks.

Far better, then, for the British government to keep a “cool head”, as Sir Keir suggests: not only does it suit the prime minister’s general demeanour, but it will help to preserve his unusually warm relationship with a man almost precisely his ideological opposite. Britain is set to watch how things develop, and will continue to engage with American officials on trade, investment, and wider economic relations. If an old and valued friend unexpectedly decides to have a spat, the most rational response is not to hit them back and escalate an argument into a violent rift.

Fanciful as it may seem, this crisis can be turned into an opportunity. As the business secretary, Jonathan Reynolds, told the Commons, a trade deal of some sort could be mutually beneficial, even if that isn’t immediately apparent to President Trump, who is more “zero sum” in his approach to life (as might be expected from his time in real estate).

Sir Keir says that talks are continuing. He should be encouraged by the fact that the UK is to be subjected only to the lower “baseline” tariff of 10 per cent, albeit with the higher charges on cars, steel and aluminium bringing the trade-weighted average up to 13 per cent. When the two leaders met in the White House, Mr Trump expressed the hope that a deal could be done. Despite intense activity, such an agreement couldn’t be reached in time to avoid the new tariffs, but the process – which has been in train since Theresa May launched post-Brexit talks with the US – has begun.

The outlines of such a deal can already be discerned. Negotiables could include a radical cut in the tariffs on US goods, such as cars and agricultural produce, and easier access for qualified, skilled workers through mutual recognition. The UK might have to compromise on its high standards of animal welfare, hygiene, and environmental protection, but that is a tough choice that could be made, in the expectation that consumers would exercise their right to choose.

More difficult, if not impossible, would be meeting the usual demands for improved – inflated – prices to be paid by the NHS to the US pharmaceutical giants. The American negotiators would also have to be properly briefed on the reality of free speech in the UK, which is protected as a human right by law, save for incitement to hatred against specified vulnerable groups.

The real question is whether the achievement of some sort of economic agreement with America – an outcome that would certainly yield benefits – is worth the sacrifices and concessions that are likely to be demanded by Mr Trump. That includes the effect that any such pact would have on our relationship with the EU, in light of the “reset” promised by Labour at the general election.

Even the possibility of such an agreement with the United States is being touted as a “Brexit bonus”, as is the “favourable” 10 per cent tariff. Needless to say, this is highly debatable. Were it still part of the EU, the UK would probably have been treated more harshly, but it would have had the full weight of the largest single market in the world behind it, along with better access to the EU markets that it has lost since Brexit.

As a member state, the UK would also have been able, ironically, to control its own laws on free speech, as well as to protect the NHS and farmers. In other words, a trade deal with America would have to be radically better than currently envisaged in order to make Brexit remotely worthwhile, even in purely financial terms.

And there remains the terrible truth that the US has downgraded its commitment to Nato, and “switched sides” to align with Russia on the matters of Ukraine and European security.

On balance, Sir Keir can best serve the British national interest by pursuing closer relations with Europe, while declining to enact futile retaliatory measures against America and salvaging as much as possible of the US-UK special relationship. The hope is that the Trump era might ultimately pass more smoothly. In any case, balancing and nurturing Britain’s most crucial relationships won’t be easy.