Why is buying a house in Britain more stressful than childbirth?

Buying a house in this country has something of Leo Tolstoy’s famous opening line in Anna Karenina about it: “All happy families are alike; each unhappy family is unhappy in its own way.” Ask people about their experience of homebuying and, though the responses you’ll get will be uniformly negative, each one will be specific to that individual – uniquely awful in its own way.

For my part, within six months I had offers on three consecutive properties get accepted and fall through. Although the fourth one stuck, by the time I held those hallowed front door keys in my hand, it was nigh on eight months after I’d first agreed to buy the damn thing. It should have been an “easy” sale – I was a first-time buyer purchasing from a literal dead woman, the definition of chain-free – but this somehow did nothing to speed up the endless path to home ownership.

I initially thought my own heinous experience was out of the ordinary – a tale so blighted by obstacles and frustrations that it was in some way “special”. I soon discovered that it was par for the course. No one, but no one, seems to get through buying or selling a house in Britain without wanting to hurl themselves into the sea. With rocks tied to their ankles.

In fact, moving house has been ranked as one of the most stressful life experiences, surpassing job interviews, dental work and even childbirth (!), according to a survey of 2,000 UK homeowners. So, why is it so inordinately terrible?

Cost, naturally, is the biggest initial stumbling block. Property prices are so divorced from reality at this point that we’ve had to develop a whole new way of buying homes – “shared ownership” – where you’re only buying a percentage of a property and renting the rest of it (a case of “worst of both worlds” if ever there was one). The average asking price hit a record high of nearly £380,000 in May, while the average price of a home in Britain is now £268,319, more than seven times the average salary (£37,430).

As most mortgage providers will only lend up to 4.5 times a person’s yearly income, that leaves a substantial deposit to be cobbled together; this amount has reached an average of £68,154 for a first-time buyer in England, much of that from the bank of Mum and Dad.

The other expenses also stack up to an eye-watering sum: there’s stamp duty to pay (from 2 to 12 per cent of the property price, unless you’re a first-time buyer purchasing a home under £300,000); a potential mortgage-booking fee (up to £300); mortgage arrangement fee (up to £2,500); solicitors’/conveyancing fees (up to £1,500); homebuyer’s survey (£300 to £1,500); and, if you manage to finally sign on the dotted line, there are moving costs to be factored in (averaging £1,044). Minus the deposit, the average cost of buying and selling a house in 2025 is £15,108.

The sheer amount of money involved makes the process fraught and therefore slow, according to property expert and professional property buyer Jonathan Rolande. “Most fundamentally, this is a really expensive commitment, so people are generally very wary,” he says.

Then there’s the fact that you have to deal with estate agents. They’re not all terrible, of course, but many of us have encountered those who make the process actively worse – whether it’s because they’re pressuring you into a bidding war, lying about the fundamentals of a property, or shrugging in disinterested ignorance when you ask basic questions such as how much the service charge is.

Only 37 per cent of people trust an estate agent to tell them the truth, according to the 2024 Ipsos Mori Veracity Index. Yet however bad the experience is, the agent walks away with thousands of pounds in commission for each sale – usually around 2 per cent of the total property value.

Lewis Buckley and Allan Wood found this so excruciating that they set up Hiizzy, an online platform through which homeowners can cut out the middleman and sell their house themselves – minus the estate agent. “We believe that there’s a high proportion of people that are capable of doing this themselves,” says Wood. “What estate agents want you to believe is that it’s very complex and opaque, and that is not true.”

One issue is the chronic overvaluing of houses by agents. “Properties don’t sell if they’re overvalued, and then people get disgruntled because they have to drop their price,” says Buckley. This is a regular occurrence, adds Wood, because estate agents are incentivised to overpromise. “If an estate agent visits your property and asks you what you want to put it on for, they don’t tell you ‘That’s absolutely ludicrous, you’re never going to get that’ – because then they don’t get the instruction,” he explains. “They’re driven by commissions, and they’ll tell you whatever you want to hear. It’s about getting you to sign on the dotted line.”

It’s for the same reason that some agents might take their time when it comes to chasing up paperwork – they’re likely more concerned with their next potential sale. “The people who most want to chase it are really the homebuyer and the home seller – because the agents are more focused on winning their next instruction once you’ve said you’re going to buy it,” says RBC Capital housing market analyst Anthony Codling.

This, inevitably, is the biggest stumbling block when buying or selling a property – the glacial pace at which everything seems to move throughout the entire process. Getting a house on the market can feel sluggish enough, but the real endurance test comes when an offer has been accepted and the solicitors get involved. Rolande tells me about a sale he has just overseen: “Very keen first-time buyer, empty house, no problems, paperwork delivered to buyer’s solicitor in one day after sale was agreed – it still took three months!”

If the housebuying process in this country feels clunky and antiquated, that’s because it is. The first estate agent was established in 1805, and the industry really got going in the late 1800s as surveyors turned to helping people sell houses as a result of the industrial revolution. Since then, the process has remained bafflingly similar, despite the tech we now have at our fingertips. “The only thing that’s really changed is that some agents have gone online, but they are fundamentally providing the same service,” says Buckley. “Other industries have all been disrupted,” adds Wood. “It’s the final frontier.”

The lack of speed can in part be attributed to the fact that so much of the industry remains stubbornly paper-based, and analogue rather than digital. Every time a house is bought or sold, the same mandatory local authority and environmental searches have to be done again from scratch – despite the fact that the findings probably won’t have changed since the last time.

“The main culprits are solicitors – they haven’t gone as far with technology as they could or should have done,” claims Rolande. “They’re also hamstrung by local authorities, who are slow off the mark with searches. There are little delays everywhere – so it grows and creates a domino effect.” He argues that searches should be instant and completely digital, all stored on a central database, while solicitors “are still in the habit of sending out letters – they need to embrace not just email, but online platforms that are industry standard, so that everyone can look at the process and be reminded about when things are needed.”

Meanwhile, Codling argues that most high-street solicitors inevitably let conveyancing tasks slip down the to-do list. “They don’t do many conveyancing jobs a year, right?” he says. “So it’s never top of their priority list. They don’t do that many, and it’s not the most efficient process. It’s all paper-based, it’s not digital, and they’re waiting for other people to get back to them.”

There are signs that at least some technological advancement is on the cards. Codling tells me that the Land Registry, which records land ownership and issues title registers – the documents that confirm ownership of properties in England and Wales – is planning to digitise after a successful pilot. But it’s “a multi, multi-year project” rather than something that’s just around the corner. The Law Society, meanwhile, explored something similar before realising it was going to cost too much.

The time it takes currently to buy and sell property is a problem, because it increases the chance that issues will arise and a sale will fall through – particularly in a chain, where multiple purchases are happening at once. If one falls through, the entire chain can collapse, potentially costing thousands in wasted legal fees and surveys. “A one-month sale – which is what it should be – instead of a three-month sale, means there’s a third of the time for someone to change their mind, for a relationship to break down, for someone to be made redundant or fall ill,” says Rolande. “Every month of waiting you add on means an increased risk of problems.”

This risk is at least in part fuelled by the total lack of legal protection in England and Wales prior to the exchange of contracts. Before that, you can spend months paying for paperwork and chasing documents, only for the seller to turn round and ask for more money, or decide to sell to a higher bidder instead (known as gazumping). Vice versa, the day before exchange, a buyer can suddenly try to gauge the seller’s price and offer less money, or threaten to walk away from the deal (gazundering).

The Wild West-esque lack of protection makes the whole thing feel incredibly precarious – unlike the Scottish system, where the buyer and seller have entered into a legally binding contract the second the latter accepts the former’s offer. This makes it more difficult for either party to back out, and tangibly results in a speedier process from start to finish.

The experts I speak to can all envisage a future in which buying and selling property is faster, sleeker and more efficient. “If you can get everything digital, if you can get the emphasis on the seller,” says Codling, that would improve the experience. “They want to sell. So it’s in their interest to put everything in one place.” If sellers were required to have all their documentation in order before they were even allowed to put their home on the market, “that really would solve the problem overnight, because if you wanted to sell your home and you hadn’t got all this stuff together, you’re not going to be able to even advertise your home for sale”.

Buckley and Wood foresee a world in which blockchain technology is used across the industry to consolidate every piece of information about a property. “Legal titles, local authority searches, you name it – anything that pertains to the property could sit on the blockchain, and you build up this wonderful provenance about it,” says Buckley wistfully. “It should no longer be that extraordinarily delayed, boring, analogue process that people have to go through. The whole thing needs attention from top to bottom.”

Though there’s potentially light at the end of the tunnel, revolutionary change still feels like it might be some way off. In the meantime, British buyers and sellers can take comfort in the fact that patience is, apparently, a virtue.

Cheers star George Wendt dies aged 76

George Wendt, who starred as the beer-loving Norm in the classic sitcom Cheers, has died at the age of 76.

The six-time Emmy-nominated actor died peacefully in his sleep Tuesday morning at his home, his family confirmed.

“George was a doting family man, a well-loved friend and confidant to all of those lucky enough to have known him. He will be missed forever. The family has requested privacy during this time,” a representative shared in a statement, per Variety.

Born on the south side of Chicago on October 17, 1948, Wendt was one of nine children. He was the uncle of Ted Lasso star Jason Sudeikis, whose mother, Kathryn, was Wendt’s sister.

Wendt attended the University of Notre Dame before later attending Jesuit Rockhurst College in Kansas City, Missouri, where he graduated in 1971 with a B.A. in economics.

Shortly after graduating, he spent six years at Second City, Chicago’s legendary improvisational theater troupe. There, he met his future wife, Bernadette Birkett, who would later appear on Cheers as Cliff’s (John Ratzenberger) Halloween date in season three, as well as the unseen, offscreen voice of Norm’s wife, Vera.

Wendt’s tenured portrayal of Norm across 11 seasons, from 1982 to 1993, earned him six Emmy nominations for Outstanding Supporting Actor in a Comedy Series. He and co-stars Rhea Perlman (Carla Tortelli) and Ted Danson (Sam Malone) were the only three actors to have starred in every single episode of Cheers.

Recalling his Cheers audition to Chicago magazine in 2021, Wendt revealed he “needed to look like a guy who wanted to have another beer.”

“Norm is just me with better writing,” he added. “There were hundreds, if not thousands, of actors who could have delivered on the absolute gems that I was handed on a silver platter every Wednesday morning.”

Once the beloved show ended, NBC considered a spinoff series centered on Norm and Cliff as bar buddies, but that project never came to fruition.

He did, however, reprise his character of Norm in several other shows: St. Elsewhere, Wings, The Simpsons, Family Guy, Frasier and The Tortellis.

Wendt additionally made cameos as himself on Seinfeld, Bob, and The Larry Sanders Show.

His other TV credits include Sabrina, the Teenage Witch, Portlandia, Clipped, Fresh off the Boat, and The Goldbergs.

He also featured in a number of movies, including the 1988 action comedy Never Say Die, 1992’s sci-fi romance Forever Young, 1994’s family comedy The Little Rascals, and the 1997 movie musical Spice World.

Wendt is survived by his wife, his children, Hilary, Joe and Daniel; and his stepchildren, Joshua and Andrew.

NHS offers world-first vaccine to combat rise in super strain STI

A new vaccine for gonorrhoea is to be rolled out by the NHS in England to tackle a rise in antibiotic-resistant “super” strains.

The jabs will be available for gay and bi-sexual men, who are most at risk of becoming infected, while other high-risk people, such as sex workers can request it.

Cases of gonorrhoea, which are either resistant or “extensively” resistant, have increased in the UK in the past three years to a record high in 2024.

The UK Health Security Agency said the rise had been fuelled by heterosexuals who had caught the infection abroad.

It comes amid a wider surge in diagnoses of gonorrhoea in England, with 85,000 cases in 2023 – the highest since records began in 1918.

Cases of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) in general have been increasing across England with 400,000 new diagnoses in England in 2023 – an increase of almost 5 per cent on the year before.

While testing rates have increased, Dr Emma Harding-Esch, from the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, suggested the increased popularity of dating apps could have contributed to the rise as they enable people to find sexual partners more easily.

Dr Harding-Esch also said changes in public sexual behaviour, such as the use of recreational drugs during sex or not using contraception with multiple partners could also have contributed.

Gonorrhoea is a sexually transmitted infection passed on through unprotected sex and, if not treated, can lead to problems such as infections in the eyes, testicles or prostate.

Not all patients experience symptoms, however, they include burning pain when you pee, fluid or discharge from the genitals, and pain in the testicles or lower abdomen.

The Joint Committee on Vaccination and Immunisation first made a recommendation to roll out the gonorrhoea vaccine, alongside the mpox vaccine in November 2023. However, it needed approval from NHS England first and will now be available from August.

According to NHS England, no other health system has yet rolled out these vaccines nationally.

Earlier this year, new research revealed that scientists have found the first new antibiotic for gonorrhoea since the 1990s, as researchers warned the STI could soon become “impossible to treat”.

Minister for Public Health and Prevention Ashley Dalton said: “This world-first vaccine programme represents a significant breakthrough for public health, and once again our NHS is leading the way.

“It could not come at a more critical time – after years of neglect of public health services, we inherited gonorrhoea diagnoses at record levels, triple what they were in 2012. By targeting those most at risk, we can reduce transmission rates from this unpleasant disease that is becoming harder to treat and prevent thousands of cases over the next few years.”

Local authorities and NHS sexual health services will identify eligible patients and actively invite them for the vaccine. Patients will also be able to get mpox, Hepatitis A and B and HPV vaccinations at the same time.

The jab, which is one already used for meningococcal B disease called 4CMenB, could give people up to 40 per cent protection from gonorrhoea.

Cllr David Fothergill, chairman of the Local Government Association’s Community Wellbeing Board, said: “The targeted roll-out of the vaccine, which could be a game-changer and dramatically reduce transmission of gonorrhoea, is good news. Sexual health clinics are on the front line of the STI outbreaks. It is vital that we have a strong and well-funded health protection system to support the vaccine rollout.

“It is important that eligible people across England are able to access vaccines easily, when the vaccine becomes available, please come forward and get protected.”

Pope Leo ‘ready’ to host negotiations to end Ukraine war

Pope Leo XIV has confirmed his willingness for the Vatican to host the next round of Ukraine peace talks, Italian prime minister Giorgia Meloni said.

“Finding in the Holy Father confirmation of the readiness to host the next talks between the parties in the Vatican, the prime minister expressed deep gratitude (to) Pope Leo XIV for his unceasing commitment to peace,” a statement from Ms Meloni’s office said.

The Vatican has not issued its own statement on hosting peace talks.

It comes as Donald Trump was urged to pressure Russia with further sanctions, after Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelensky warned Vladimir Putin is “trying to buy time” to continue his war.

The European Union’s foreign policy chief, Kaja Kallas, said Russia‘s failure to negotiate in good faith should trigger threatened US sanctions.

The UK and the EU announced new waves of sanctions against Russia on Tuesday, with the British measures alone impacting around 100 entities and individuals.

Trump’s negotiations with Putin mean Europe should prepare for a second cold war

It is always painful to abandon longstanding certainties. The transatlantic security bond has, for 76 years, been one such certainty. Since 1949, generations of Europeans and North Americans have lived with the confidence that political leaders on both sides of the Atlantic shared a strong commitment to the international rules-based order, democratic principles, and a common vision of “Europe whole, free and at peace”.

Notwithstanding sporadic disagreements between individual allies, and regular requests from the US for Europe to bear a fairer share of the military burden, the allies’ vow to defend each other in case of need and maintain a credible military deterrent was never called into question, and neither was the willingness of any given occupant of the Oval Office to come to the aid of a Nato member if they were attacked.

Now, Donald Trump and his Maga acolytes have brutally shattered this certainty. The transatlantic partnership is unravelling in front of our eyes: in the space of 100 days, Trump has undermined Nato’s collective stance on defence; hit the global economy with tariffs; threatened the territorial integrity of dedicated allies Canada and Denmark; interfered in the internal affairs of allies with his brazen support for European right-wing populist parties; and departed from well-established multilateral bodies including the World Health Organisation, the International Criminal Court and the UN Climate Change Conference. In a series of hammer blows, Trump has shattered the rules-based global order.

Shockingly for Washington’s longstanding European allies, the Trump administration is prepared to hand on a plate to Vladimir Putin, the most brutal aggressor Europe has faced since Hitler, two major Russian foreign policy goals: the decoupling of America from European security, and the neutralisation of Nato.

Trump’s attempts to ram a so-called “peace deal” down Ukrainian and European throats, side with the Kremlin and its authoritarian supporters in UN votes, suspend cyber operations against Russia, and acknowledge Moscow’s illegal annexation of Crimea while halting critical military intelligence for Ukraine, underscore Washington’s departure from the Nato consensus on Russia and Ukraine.

While European leaders are trying desperately to keep Trump on side, hoping he will pressure Putin into coming to the negotiating table, their potential diplomatic breakthrough in Istanbul flopped. Trump is deeply agnostic about the fate of Ukraine, and is ready to recognise a Russian sphere of influence in Eastern Europe – the US-Ukrainian “minerals” deal does not change this fact.

While it was a clever move by the government in Kyiv to bind Washington, to some degree, to Ukraine’s future, the fact is that without cast-iron security guarantees, Trump’s commitment to Ukraine will remain lukewarm at best.

This US foreign policy shift is fundamental. It goes much deeper than military and financial burden-sharing. For Trump, the geopolitical sphere is a jungle in which only those with a “winner takes all” approach can survive. Enlarging America’s geoeconomic sphere of influence, keeping China (as its most daunting strategic competitor) at bay, and aggressively pursuing profitable business deals are Trump’s foreign policy objectives.

Europeans and Canadians must confront the new geopolitical reality with clarity. Fear is a mind-killer. Denial is not a strategy. Neither is polite subordination, or whitewashing Trump’s actions. While some European governments support the concept of transatlantic burden-shifting, they still look to Washington to provide them with a generous five-to-10-year timeframe to build up Europe’s defence capability, hoping that the US withdraws in good order. This is naive at best. Rather, the assumption must be that Trump has pulled the US defence rug from under Europe’s feet, and that Europe must stand alone or fail.

This means it is imperative for Europeans and Canadians to keep Nato functioning, and to increase Europe’s capabilities quickly. Currently, the European Union is unable to generate a comparable warfighting capability. If Ukraine is to be supported and Russia deterred, Europe and Canada must accept Trump’s decoupling from European security as a fact and start developing a concrete roadmap for a reinvigorated Nato that Europeans will lead in the future.

The list of issues to be tackled is hard and long: how can the alliance function in the presence of disruptive US actions, a reduced US force posture in Europe, and a smaller US financial contribution to Nato’s common, civil and military budgets? How can the allies fill the gaps left by the US in Nato’s command structure, the alliance’s vitally important backbone? How can we replace the US’s critical strategic battle-winning enablers and, most critically, US troops assigned to Nato’s battle groups in Poland, Latvia, Romania and Bulgaria? And how can we maintain a credible nuclear deterrence posture?

The challenge at hand may look overwhelming. But with sufficient political will, overcoming it is feasible. A European-led Nato command structure could be trimmed down and adapted. A general defence plan, combined with a rigorous exercise programme, could help to gear Nato’s military posture towards what it must be prepared for in the first place: to fight a modern conventional war across all domains.

A much more synchronised capability development programme, worked out in close cooperation with the European Union, could fill gaps in command and control, reconnaissance and surveillance, military mobility, and other areas of European military weakness.

Now is the time for “action this day”, as Churchill would have said. The opportunity presented by the Nato summit in June must not be squandered by supplicant European leaders begging for a sign from Trump that all remains well. That horse has bolted from the stable.

Rather, they must present a rigorous strategy for how a Europe that is free and secure from the long-term existential threat posed by Russia can be achieved without US participation. The first step in such a strategy is to provide the means, capabilities and expertise to support Ukraine in defeating Russia, and to provide the country with credible security guarantees. Only when Putin and his successors recognise that Ukraine will never become part of a new Russian empire can there be lasting peace in Europe.

The way ahead will be hard. European societies must rebuild the resilience they possessed during the Cold War, which will mean sacrifice, hard work, moral courage, and exemplary political leadership. However, the alternatives are grim. Capitulation to the Trump agenda spells suicide for European security and democracy, the rolling back of Nato from its post-1997 boundaries, and the establishment of Putin’s “new Yalta”, in which Russia, once again, dominates Eastern Europe.

This would mean almost certain war between Europe (and Canada) and Russia. But such a catastrophe is not inevitable if Europe is prepared to fight a second cold war to avoid an even bigger global disaster. As Carl von Clausewitz wrote: “The first, the supreme, the most far-reaching act of judgement that the statesman and commander have to make is to establish the nature of the kind of war on which they are embarking.”

European leaders have had more than three years to recognise that the Russian way of war and diplomacy is one that is based on the brutal application of raw power and terror. Now they must turn the tide. By unleashing the right will, energy and determination, Europe is more than capable of outmatching Russia. Above all, Europeans must believe in their own power.

General Sir Richard Shirreff was Nato’s deputy supreme allied commander of Europe, and Dr Stefanie Babst is a former Nato deputy assistant secretary general

From secluded bays to family-friendly shores, discover Costa Dorada’s beaches

Whether you prefer your sunbathing broken up by a spot of snorkelling, experiencing local culture, or simply blissfully uninterrupted – the Costa Dorada (locally known as Costa Daurada) has the perfect beach for you. With 50 miles of coastline, and 26 Blue Flag beaches, it doesn’t matter if you’re after calm waters, family-friendly facilities or adventurous water sports – there’s a sunspot that caters for every traveller.

What’s more, with Jet2holidays flying to the Costa Dorada from 12 UK airports and a range of two to five-star accommodation, it’s easy to get your beach break sorted. Jet2holidays is always giving you more, to help make planning and booking as smooth as possible. That goes for the PayPal Pay in 3 interest-free payments** option, 22kg baggage and 10kg hand luggage, and return transfers† that are included. Look out for Free Child Places***, and infants under two go free‡.

Here we pick out just some of the region’s gorgeous shores to delve into…

In one of the most picturesque and lively parts of Costa Dorada sits this almost two-and-a-half mile stretch of beach, lined with palms as well as the famous pine trees that give the area its name. It’s fab for everything from gentle strolls and paddles to more active games of volleyball, sand football and tennis. Other activities on offer include everything from shoreside Zumba classes to yoga, meditation and mindfulness sessions. The slow slope of sand into sparkling waters makes it ideal for families with young children, while for the real water babies, the exhilarating Aquopolis waterpark is only a short walk from the beach. With plenty of bars, restaurants, toilets and shower facilities lining the pretty promenade, there’s no reason not to stay all day.

With over five miles of Blue Flag beaches, all with gentle waters, Cambrils makes an excellent family-friendly break. Great for water sports such as kayaking, paddleboarding and sailing – especially at the pristine Platja del Cavet Beach, where the Escola Nàutica water sports centre offers windsurfing lessons.

For something more laidback, head to Platja de la Llosa for a series of smaller, but equally beautiful, beaches and coves. Then why not potter around the picturesque, cobbled alleyways of the old town to sample delicious local dishes? While you’re in the area, take the opportunity to visit neighbouring Platja de la Pixerota in Mont-roig on the southern border of Cambrils, to enjoy breathtaking views out to the Gulf of Sant Jordi and learn about the fascinating Spanish Civil War bunkers situated in the middle of the beach.

As the tourist capital of the Costa Dorada and the epicentre of amusement and entertainment, Salou’s beaches are home to good times for kids and adults alike. And being so close to PortAventura World (one of Europe’s largest theme parks) means double the fun, when so many of Jet2holidays’ Experience More hotels include park entry, meaning staying and playing is on the cards. Don’t miss the stunning Llevant Beach, dotted with colourful sunloungers and umbrellas, where the sea is filled with kayaks and jet skis. In between sunbathing and water sports, you can also enjoy wandering along its pretty promenade of shops, restaurants and bars. For something a little more secluded, take the coastal path to the sand dunes, pine trees and shallow crystalline waters of Platja Llarga, which is great for snorkelling.

This charming beach town is as much a magnet to those looking for lazy beach days as it is for history lovers. A medieval castle forms the backdrop to a swathe of fine golden sand at Platja d’Altafulla, and it’s a stone’s throw from the famous Roman ruins at Tarragona. You can even borrow a book from the Bibliomar beach library, which also organises workshops and storytelling, or join a yoga or Pilates class on the sands.

Walk down to neighbouring Tamarit Beach, which has its own castle dating back to the 11th century, as well as some friendly beach bars for a cheeky cocktail. Also in the area is family-friendly Coma-ruga Beach in El Vendrell. Its clear waters, palm-lined promenade of restaurants, bars and shops, and natural thermal springs, make for a balanced beach break.

The soft, sloping sands make Platja La Paella a super-safe option for families with children who love spending all day in the sea. As for water sports, there’s a designated area for surfers, and a bespoke exit and entry point for jet skis. The nearby marina offers scuba diving, snorkelling, water skiing and boat trips. For those who prefer being on terra firma, there are kids’ playgrounds, and a sports zone with four volleyball courts and three beach football pitches, often hosting championships. In summer, sports camps and gymnastics sessions are held here.

One of the most unique beaches in the Costa Dorada, the sugar-like sands and translucent waters of l’Arenal are split into two parts. There’s the northern section with its promenade and the Base Nautica water sports resort, which offers dinghy sailing, windsurfing and kayaking. Then there’s the southern part, which can only be accessed via a listed Blue Trail footpath. Here you can enjoy magnificent dunes, marshlands and white pine woodlands around a more tranquil shore.

With Jet2holidays, you can book your trip to the Costa Dorada with lots of package perks thrown in to make getting away even easier. From a low £60 per person deposit* to PayPal Pay in 3 interest-free payments**, 22kg baggage and 10kg hand luggage per person to return transfers†, it’s all included. Families can make the most of Free Child Places*** while infants under two go free‡. And with flights included and the choice of two to five-star hotels, Jet2holidays is always giving you more. For more Costa Dorada travel inspiration, and to find and book your ultimate holiday, visit Jet2holidays. Plus, right now, myJet2 members can save £100 per person§ in The Big Jet2 Price Drop (correct at original publish date).

*On bookings made ten weeks or more before departure. Full payment required by balance due date. **Spread the cost over three interest-free payments. Available when booked online, for holidays under £2,000, departing within ten weeks. ***One free child place per two paying passengers. Subject to availability. T&Cs apply, please see www.jet2holidays.com/promotions#FCP2025 for further details. †Unless otherwise stated. ‡Applicable for all infants under the age of two years on the date of return. Infants are not entitled to a flight seat (they must be seated with a parent or guardian) or a 22kg baggage allowance. §£100 per person off holidays for myJet2 members departing until 15 November 2026. myJet2 members will need to be logged into their account at the time of booking for the discount to automatically apply. Book online, via our app, through our call centre or with your travel agent. Please note the discount is not applied to children travelling on a free child place. Terms and conditions apply, please see www.jet2holidays.com/promotions#100APRIL2025 for details.

Would it do the Tories any favours to bring back Boris?

Having endured their worst general election performance ever, followed by a similar humiliation in the local elections and plumbing fresh lows in the opinion polls, how long will it be before the Tories turn to their most self-destructive habit – blind panic? Given the general paucity of talent in what remains of the parliamentary party, there are even a few murmurs, again, about bringing back Boris Johnson. That must count as desperation, and the old rascal could easily make things worse for them…

Aside from the desperate panic, many Tories still hold fond memories of his undoubted electoral prowess, albeit that it lies firmly in the past. A full listing would have to include his improbable election as mayor of London in 2008, and subsequent re-election; the 2016 Brexit referendum; and the 2019 general election, which yielded the best parliamentary result since 1987 and the highest Tory vote share since 1979.

So there are warm feelings about the glory days, and a probably vain hope that he and he alone can magically recreate that campaigning success. The strange resurrection of Donald Trump in the United States has also stimulated thoughts of a Johnson return. If he can do it, why not Boris?

Well, there’s also the indelible memory of Partygate, assorted sleaze stories, chaos, Dominic Cummings, wallpapergate, broken promises on levelling up, the collapse of his government beneath him, the unlawful prorogation of parliament, misleading the late Queen, and being found to have lied to the House of Commons, for which he was sanctioned.

It’s also true that by the time his position was becoming untenable in 2022, Johnson was losing local elections and parliamentary by-elections, and his poll ratings were slipping badly. If he couldn’t win elections, he was of no further use and had to go. His most grievous disservice to the nation was in making sure that Liz Truss rather than Rishi Sunak succeeded him – she was calculated to make him look good by comparison.

No. He’s not an MP, so not eligible.

The classic method, used by Johnson twice before, is to find a safe Tory seat to fight at the next general election. Or somehow exploit or engineer such an opportunity sooner, in a by-election. The trouble is, there is no longer any such thing as a safe Tory seat that is impervious to challenge by Reform UK, even with the charismatic Johnson standing.

If he did get elected, there’s also the unfinished business of the three-month suspension imposed on him in the last parliament. Expert opinion varies on whether Johnson’s first act as a newly elected MP would be to go away again for three months.

Not if the polls are anything to go by. A recent opinion poll did show that Johnson was the only candidate out of himself, Kemi Badenoch and Robert Jenrick who as leader might beat Nigel Farage and Reform, but only by a small margin (26 per cent to 23 per cent). Whether it would be worth the upheaval is highly debatable. There are possibly better options – James Cleverly, for example.

Johnson is also closely associated with Brexit and his “oven-ready deal”, and that project isn’t as popular as it was. Definitely a wasting asset. Meanwhile, ex-Labour voters, notably in the red-wall seats gained so spectacularly in 2019, still feel betrayed about the failure of levelling up, while pro-Europe moderates in the former blue wall who defected to the Liberal Democrats loathe him.

In the party, Johnson has collected many enemies, all too willing to tell the world why this untrustworthy, unreliable, cynical and compromised individual would be entirely unsuited to being premier, and even less cut out for the hard slog of being leader of the opposition.

He’s always been trouble, and only his ability to win elections overcame the severe doubts about his character. These remain, but it’s fair to add that the membership, even as he was being deposed, still loved him – though the MPs might prevent him from getting as far as a members’ poll.

Less remarked upon than his supposed campaigning skills are the policy positions that are now deeply disliked among the Tory grassroots, such as net zero; his fiscal incontinence; and the level of legal migration under his famous post-Brexit “Australian-style points-based system”, which reached a record high. Uncharitably, it’s been called the “Boris wave” by his enemies. In a scrap for the right-wing vote with Farage, these would count as weak points.

If Johnson were brought back, it would be the end of the Conservative Party. Keir Starmer often got the better of him back in the day, and would do so again, while Farage is a formidable rival.

The Tory party is so weak now that it would take more than a Johnson revival to rescue it. Indeed, the very reason why the party did so calamitously in the 2024 general election was its overall record in government – including the many disappointments, scandals and failures during the Johnson administration. In other words, Johnson is part of the problem and not part of the answer.

They need a fresher start, and a rethink on Brexit. The next Tory leader may not even be in parliament yet.

The West has finally spoken up on Gaza – but it must not stop there

Certainly not before time, the British government on Tuesday suspended trade talks with the Netanyahu administration and slapped it with further sanctions over its “egregious” military operation to “take over” Gaza – or whatever remains of it. So, too, have other close allies of Israel warned Benjamin Netanyahu to permit urgently needed humanitarian aid through. They must also act.

It is some months since anything resembling an adequate supply of food and medicines were provided to keep blameless Palestinian civilians alive, and famine, as well as war and pestilence, now stalks the Holy Land in grim Biblical fashion.

Tom Fletcher, the UN relief chief whose powerful speech last week did so much to mobilise global opinion, warns now that the lives of some 14,000 infants will be lost over the next 48 hours – if aid remains held up by the Israeli authorities. As Mr Fletcher notes, a mere five trucks of aid have gone into Gaza recently – a “drop in the ocean”. And even this minuscule contribution is only just inside the border, and hasn’t reached many civilians.

As the lorries contain baby food, they are unlikely to be compelling targets for Hamas to steal. Now reports say 100 lorries are coming through, but many thousands are needed on a consistent basis for disaster to be averted.

The situation, always appalling, has now reached unimaginable levels of desperation in Gaza, and the images of obviously malnourished, starving children have been so graphic that international pressure has forced Mr Netanyahu to bend – a little.

In a defiantly candid broadcast, the Israeli prime minister informed his people that such has been the outrage in the United States Congress from those normally automatically loyal to the Netanyahu administration that he has had to relent and permit essential supplies to move into the war zone. Mercy, in other words, has nothing to do with it.

With a knowing expression on his face, Mr Netanyahu stressed that the only reason even token aid was being allowed in was for “practical and diplomatic reasons”. Specifically, Mr Netanyahu cited US senators – Israel’s “greatest friends in the world” – who told him they would withdraw support for the country because of the media images of starving Palestinians. In his own account, they apparently informed him: “We cannot accept images of hunger, mass hunger. We cannot stand that.”

That statement is telling in a number of ways. First, it does prove that even this man, whose instinct for political survival is well-developed, and his even more extreme cabinet colleagues, are susceptible to political pressure. Second, as has been obvious since the foundation of the state of Israel, it is always the United States above all that counts.

Such has been the wanton destruction and newly stated ambition of Israeli territorial control in Gaza – a distinct break with past policy – it raises questions around what has been discussed between President Trump and Mr Netanyahu, given that even the modest restraints on Israeli aggression and expansionism that had been urged during the Biden administration (and many of its predecessors) seem to have gone.

Recent events involving settlers on the West Bank are also suggestive of an unprecedented level of American indulgence. How far prospective Israeli military occupation of the rubble-scape of Gaza is consistent with President Trump’s ambition to create an American-administered resort remains to be determined. But there appears no sign of President Trump exerting himself to save Arab lives.

The US National Security Council spokesperson James Hewitt has stated: “Hamas has rejected repeated ceasefire proposals, and therefore bears sole responsibility for this conflict.” That may be true, but Israel has long since abused its inalienable right to defend itself after the 7 October atrocities, and conducted the conflict such that it has provoked charges of war crimes at the International Court of Justice. The war has become obscenely disproportionate.

Given that the Trump administration apparently remains content with this situation, that is all the more reason for America’s and Israel’s partners to step up the pressure. “Concrete measures” must start with clear and unambiguous condemnation of the Netanyahu government by Emmanuel Macron, Mark Carney, and all of Israel’s other friends.

On Tuesday, MPs from five political parties – Labour, the Tories, Lib Dems, Greens and SNP – told the foreign secretary David Lammy that the British government needs to go further and faster, including suspending arms sales to Israel and sanctioning ministers in the Netanyahu government.

As The Independent put on the front page of our daily edition on 11 May, we must end the deafening silence on Gaza; it is time to speak up. This must be allied to quiet but forceful diplomatic activity, with a focus on persuading Washington to realise the enormity – and danger – of what is happening.

There is a moral, humanitarian case for the Trump White House to act – but also a political and diplomatic one, which the president and his circle might find more persuasive. Mr Netanyahu is not acting in America’s interests. The war in Gaza, now seemingly with the objective of levelling the place and forcing its people out, makes Mr Trump’s ambition to extend the Abraham Accords, and formal recognition of Israel to his friends in the Gulf states, virtually impossible.

Despite the lucrative public and private deals recently secured by Mr Trump, the region will never be stable unless the war in Gaza is ended, and neither will American investment in Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar be secure – nor a nuclear deal with Iran be possible.

On the Houthis, relations with the new Syrian leader and on Iran, President Trump has shown he is capable of independent thought and action that is not to Mr Netanyahu’s tastes; but on Gaza he is, as yet, unmoved. Soon the tragedy in Gaza may lead to a wave of many thousands of perfectly genuine refugees fleeing Palestine for a new life in the West – another powerful reason to end the conflict immediately.

There are other measures that may be raised by the international community. The supply of lethal or dual-use weaponry to Israel could be incrementally, gradually curtailed – something former US president Joe Biden did with the heaviest of ordnance, which was being used by the Israeli army inappropriately in densely populated areas.

The question of recognition of the state of Palestine could also be more openly discussed, preparatory to the two-state solution that may feel far distant now, but remains the official policy of most Western nations. Recognition might put it back on the table. Further, more assertive, economic pressure on the Netanyahu government is also an option, though never to be deployed in a manner that would endanger Israel’s right to exist.

It would also be useful for British ministers, and their international counterparts, to win the arguments with Mr Netanyahu about his war. He did not succeed in the rapid release of the hostages. He has not broken Hamas and ended the threat of terrorist attacks. He has eliminated a few Hamas leaders, but usually not as a result of indiscriminate mass bombings but by carefully targeted assassinations.

Put simply, Mr Netanyahu’s war in Gaza has not only been a continuing humanitarian disaster, it has failed in its stated objectives. It has left the Israeli people less secure than they were before the 7 October attacks. That, for him, should be the greatest indictment of all.