UN ambassadors have condemned Israel’s plans to “take control” of Gaza City as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu insisted it was the “best way” to end the war.

During a press conference, which Netanyahu said was intended to “puncture the lies”, the Israeli leader said the planned offensive would move “fairly quickly” and would “free Gaza from Hamas”.

He also claimed Israeli hostages held in Gaza were “the only ones being deliberately starved” and denied Israel was starving Gazans.

Meanwhile, Israel came under heavy criticism at an emergency meeting of the United Nations (UN) Security Council, with the UK, France and others warning the plan risked “violating international humanitarian law”.

Along with Denmark, Greece and Slovenia, they called for the plan to be reversed, adding it would “do nothing to secure the return of hostages and risks further endangering their lives”.

Other council members expressed similar alarm. China called the “collective punishment” of people in Gaza unacceptable, while Russia warned against a “reckless intensification of hostilities”.

UN Assistant Secretary General Miroslav Jenca told the meeting: “If these plans are implemented, they will likely trigger another calamity in Gaza, reverberating across the region and causing further forced displacement, killings, and destruction.”

Ramesh Rajasingham from the UN’s humanitarian office said the hunger crisis in Gaza was no longer looming, adding that “this is starvation, pure and simple”.

But the United States defended Israel, with Ambassador Dorothy Shea telling the meeting the US had been working “tirelessly” to free hostages and end the war, and the meeting undermined those efforts.

She added the war “could end today if Hamas let the hostages go”, and accused other members of taking advantage of the meeting to “accuse Israel of genocide”, an allegation she insisted was “demonstrably false”.

Later on Sunday, Netanyahu’s office said he had spoken with US President Donald Trump about Israel’s plans.

Thousands of protesters have also taken to the streets across Israel to oppose the government’s plan, fearing it puts the lives of hostages at risk.

In his press conference, Netanyahu said the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) had been instructed to dismantle the “two remaining Hamas strongholds” in Gaza City and a central area around al-Mawasi.

He also outlined a three-step plan to increase aid in Gaza, including designating safe corridors for humanitarian aid distribution as well as more air drops by Israeli forces and other partners.

He said the plan would also include increasing the number of safe distribution points managed by the controversial US and Israeli-backed Gazan Humanitarian Foundation (GHF).

The UN reported earlier this month that 1,373 Palestinians had been killed seeking food since late May, when GHF set up aid distribution sites.

Netanyahu claimed Hamas had “violently looted the aid trucks”, and, when asked about Palestinians killed at GHF sites, said “a lot of firing was done by Hamas”.

When asked about the remaining Israeli hostages in Gaza – 20 of whom are still thought to be alive – Netanyahu said “if we don’t do anything, we are not going to get them out”.

The Israeli leader also took aim at the international press, saying it had bought into Hamas propaganda. He labelled some of the photos of malnourished children in Gaza that have run on newspaper front pages across the world as “fake”.

Throughout the war, Israel has not allowed international journalists into Gaza to report freely. But Netanyahu said a directive telling the military to bring in foreign journalists had been in place for two days.

Since Saturday, five people have died as a result of starvation and malnutrition in Gaza, bringing the total number to 217 deaths, according to the Hamas-run health ministry.

It also said that in total more than 61,000 people have been killed as a result of Israel’s military campaign since 2023.

Israel launched its offensive in response to the Hamas-led attack on southern Israel on 7 October that year, in which about 1,200 people were killed and 251 others were taken hostage.

In the past, figures from the Hamas-run health ministry were widely used in times of conflict and seen as reliable by the UN and other international organisations.

Meir Simcha agreed to talk, but he wanted to do it somewhere special, because for him, this is a special time. In a place where nation, religion and war are linked inextricably with politics and the possession of land, Simcha chose a patch of shade under a fig tree next to a spring of fresh water.

From his dusty car, a small Toyota fitted with off road tyres, he produced a bottle of juice made from fruit and vegetables.

“Don’t worry, there’s no extra sugar,” he said as he poured it into plastic cups.

Simcha is the leader of a group of Jewish settlers steadily transforming a big stretch of the rolling terrain south of Hebron in the West Bank, which Israel has occupied since it was captured in the 1967 Middle East war.

He moved two large flat stones into the shade as seats, and we sat down in a patch of lush grass, kept alive in the harsh summer heat by water dripping from a pipe coming out of the spring. It was a small oasis at the foot of a steep, arid, rocky slope and the location, if not our conversation, felt peaceful in a way that the West Bank rarely does these days.

The conflict between Arabs and Jews for control of the land between the River Jordan and the Mediterranean Sea started well over a century ago when Zionists from Europe began to buy land to set up communities in Palestine.

It has been shaped by significant turning points.

The latest has come from the deadly 7 October 2023 attacks by Hamas and Israel’s devastating response.

The consequences of the last 22 months of war, and however more months are left before a ceasefire, threaten to spread across years and generations, just like the Middle East war in 1967, when Israel captured Gaza from Egypt and East Jerusalem and the West Bank from Jordan.

The scale of destruction and killing in the Gaza war obscures what is happening in the West Bank, which smoulders with tension and violence.

Since October 2023, Israel’s pressure on West Bank Palestinians has increased sharply, justified as legitimate security measures.

Evidence based on statements by ministers, influential local leaders like Simcha and accounts by witnesses on the ground reveal that the pressure is part of a wider agenda, to accelerate the spread of Jewish settlements in the occupied territories and to extinguish any lingering hopes of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel.

Palestinians and human rights groups also accuse the Israeli security forces of failing in their legal duty as occupiers to protect Palestinians as well as their own citizens – not just turning a blind eye to settler attacks, but even joining in.

Violence by ultra-nationalist Jewish settlers in the West Bank has risen sharply since 7 October 2023.

Ocha, the UN’s humanitarian office, estimates an average of four settler attacks every day.

The International Court of Justice has issued an advisory opinion that the entire occupation of Palestinian territory captured in 1967 is illegal.

Israel’s rejects the ICJ’s view and claims that the Geneva Conventions forbidding settlement in occupied territories do not apply – a view disputed by many of its own allies as well as international lawyers.

In the shade of the fig tree, Simcha denied all suggestions he had attacked Palestinians, as he celebrated the fact that most of the Arab farmers who used to graze their animals on the hills he has seized and tend their olives in the valleys had gone.

He looks back to the Hamas October attacks, and Israel’s response ever since, as a turning point.

“I think that a lot has changed, that the enemy in our land lost hope. He’s beginning to understand that he’s on his way out; that’s what has changed in the last year or year and a half.

“Today you can walk around here in the land in the desert, and nobody will jump on you and try to kill you. There are still attempts to oppose our presence here in this land, but the enemy is starting to understand this slowly. They have no future here.

“The reality has changed. I ask you and the people of the world, why are you so interested in those Palestinians so much? Why do you care about them? It’s just another small nation.

“The Palestinians don’t interest me. I care about my people.”

Simcha says the Palestinians who left villages and farms near the hilltops he has claimed simply realised that God intended the land for Jews, not for them.

On 24 July this year, a panel of UN experts came to a different conclusion. A statement issued by the office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights said: “We are deeply troubled by alleged widespread intimidation, violence, land dispossession, destruction of livelihoods and the resulting forcible displacement of communities, and we fear this is severing Palestinians from their land and undermining their food security.

“The alleged acts of violence, destruction of property, and denial of access to land and resources appear to constitute a systemic pattern of human rights violations.”

Simcha has a plan to dig a swimming pool at the base of the spring where we sat to talk. Like many others who are leading the expansion of Jewish settlements in the West Bank, he is full of plans. When I met him first, not long after Hamas burst through Israel’s border defences on 7 October 2023, he lived in a small group of isolated caravans on a hilltop overlooking the Judean desert as it sweeps down to the Dead Sea.

Since then, Simcha says his community has expanded into around 200 people on three hilltops. He was part of the faction of the settler movement known as hilltop youth, a radical fringe that became notorious for the violent harassment of Palestinians. Most Israelis who have settled in the occupied territories are not like Simcha. They went there not for ideological and religious reasons, but because property was cheaper.

But now men like Simcha are at the centre of events, with their leaders in the cabinet, leading the charge, married, older, thinking not just about swimming pools for their children but of victory over the Palestinians, once and for all, and everlasting Jewish possession of the land.

Simcha comes across as a happy man. He believes his mission – to implement the will of God by turning the West Bank into a land for Jews, and not for Palestinians – is progressing nicely.

Israel’s project to settle Jewish citizens in the newly occupied territories started within days of its victory in 1967. Over the last almost 60 years, successive Israeli governments and some wealthy sympathisers have invested vast amounts of money and energy to get to the point where around 700,000 Israeli Jews live in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem.

I have been watching the settlements grow for about half of the lifetime of the project, since I first reported from the occupied Palestinian territories in 1991. In that time, the terrain of much of the West Bank has been transformed. The bigger settlements look like small towns, and the West Bank is carved into sections by a network of roads and tunnels built by Israel that are as much about staking an immovable claim to the land as they are about traffic management.

On remote hilltops at night, you can see the lights coming from the caravans of settlers who see themselves as Jewish pioneers. Olive groves, orchards and vineyards owned by Palestinian farmers along the road network are often overgrown, sometimes dotted with piles of rubble left from buildings Israel has demolished.

Controlling the land around the roads is necessary, Israel says, to stop attacks on Jews in the West Bank.

Farmers in areas under settler pressure often need military permission to visit their land, sometimes just once a year.

Palestinian farmers going about their business in vans or on donkeys used to be a common sight. In many parts of the West Bank, you just do not see them anymore, especially in places like the settlements east of Shiloh on the road to Nablus, where small groups of shacks and caravans on hilltops have connected up into sprawling residential hubs linked by sinuous road networks.

When first I reported on settlements, Israeli leaders would often say that national security depended on them. Enemies lurked across the Jordan valley, and pushing out the frontier, building the land, was a Zionist imperative.

Just like the kibbutz movement of collective farms in the 1920s and 1930s inside present-day Israel, settlements in the occupied territories after 1967 were strategically placed as a first line of defence.

In this conflict, land is a vital commodity.

Trading land taken by Israel in 1967 for peace with Palestinians who wanted it for a state was at the heart of the Oslo peace process that ended in violence but provided a false dawn of hope in the 1990s.

There were headlines around the world when, after months of secret negotiations in Norway in 1993, there was a handshake on the White House lawn between Israel’s Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and the Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. They had signed a declaration of principles that was hoped would lead to the end of the conflict. Israel would relinquish occupied land to Palestinians. In return, they would drop their claim to territory they had lost when Israel declared independence in 1948.

The argument at the heart of their conflict across the 20th Century, about who controlled land they both wanted, would be solved by splitting it.

After a final disastrous summit at Camp David in 2000, the hopes of 1993 were replaced by the deadly violence of a Palestinian uprising and a massive military response from Israel.

Part of the reason why the peace process failed was that other forces, outside the talks, were at work.

Hamas never dropped its belief that the entire land of Palestine was an Islamic possession and used suicide attacks to discredit the notion that peace was possible.

Among religious Zionists in Israel, the victory in 1967 had supercharged a wave of messianism – the belief that a divine being was coming who would redeem the Jewish people.

It electrified the settler movement.

Rabin was assassinated in November 1995 by a Jewish extremist brought up in Herzliya on the Mediterranean coast who spent weekends at settlements in the West Bank. During his first interrogation by the Israeli security service, Shin Bet, he asked for a drink so he could toast the fact that he had saved the Jewish people from a disastrous path that denied the will of God.

Today, the messianic idea grips settlers like Simcha more powerfully than ever.

They believe the victory in 1967 was a miracle granted by God, that restored to the Jewish people the ancestral lands that he had given them in the mountain heartland of Judea and Samaria – the area that much of the rest of the world calls the West Bank. Some believe events since 7 October have extended the miracle.

Last summer, the Minister for Settlements and National Missions, Orit Strock, put it like this to a sympathetic audience at an outpost in the Hebron hills, the area where Simcha operates.

“From my point of view, this is like a miracle period,” she said. “I feel like someone standing at a traffic light, and then it turns green.”

Minisyer Strock was speaking a few days before the ICJ issued its opinion.

She made her remarks at a settlement in the Hebron hills that the government had just “legalised”.

Israeli law distinguishes between “legal” settlements and “illegal” outposts – a distinction that is in practice being blurred by the government’s actions.

Outposts rebranded as “young settlements” are being retrospectively legalised as the government directs funds towards them.

At a ceremony in one of them in the south Hebron Hills in April this year, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, whose powers over the running of the occupation also make him something like the governor of the West Bank, donated 19 all-terrain vehicles to the settlers. He praised them for “grabbing massive territories”.

A sharp-eyed reporter at the Times of Israel pointed out that one of the settlers at the ceremony, Yinon Levi, had been filmed harassing Palestinians from an all-terrain vehicle. Levi is sanctioned by the UK and the European Union for using violence to drive Palestinians off their land, though President Trump lifted similar sanctions imposed by Joe Biden.

Levi is radical settler royalty, married to the daughter of Noam Federman – a notorious extremist. Federman is a former leader of the Kach party, which is designated as a terrorist organisation by Israel, the US, the European Union and others.

On 28 July this year, Yinon Levi fired a bullet that killed Odeh Hathaleen, a Palestinian activist and journalist, during a disturbance in the West Bank village of Umm al-Khair. Levi pleaded self-defence and was released after three days of house arrest.

When we went to Umm al-Khair, Hathaleen’s dried blood was still at the place where he was killed.

His brother, Khalil, told me the dead man was holding his five-year-old son, Watan, and filming the violent scenes on his phone when he was killed.

The settlement movement in the West Bank has powered ahead since 7 October, under the direction of hardline Jewish nationalists in the cabinet, men like Itamar Ben Gvir, the national security minister, and Bezalel Smotrich, who is Strock’s leader in the Religious Zionist Party.

Ben Gvir was not drafted by the IDF when he turned 18, because of his extreme beliefs. He claims he campaigned to serve.

The two ministers are very different people to the secular politicians – retired generals like Yigal Allon from the Israeli left and Ariel Sharon from the right – two men who drove the settlement movement forward in its first two decades after 1967.

Just like Allon and Sharon, they believe that security requires power.

But for Smotrich, Ben Gvir and their followers, that is underpinned by the certainty of religious belief.

The influence they have acquired in return for supporting Netanyahu and keeping him in power continues to frustrate and enrage secular Israel.

Smotrich’s Israeli opponents use the word “messianic” as term of abuse when they talk about him.

Allon and Sharon could be ruthless. After the 1967 war, Allon advocated the annexation of large parts of the West Bank and the Jordan Valley. Neither man believed they were doing the will of God.

Hamas uses religion to justify its violent opposition to the existence of Israel. Religious Zionists in the settler movement believe they are doing God’s will.

Belief in a direct connection with God does not guarantee war. But it makes the compromises necessary for peace hard to achieve.

We arranged to meet Yehuda Shaul at the road junction next to Sinjel. He is one of Israel’s most prominent opponents of the occupation.

Shaul founded an organisation called Breaking the Silence after, as a soldier, he saw first-hand the inherently brutal realities of a military occupation that has lasted almost 60 years.

Fellow Israelis have branded supporters of Breaking the Silence, which he no longer leads, as traitors many times.

Israeli military crackdowns since the October attacks have reduced Palestinian violence against settlers, while settler attacks on Palestinians have grown sharply.

Shaul says that the line between settlers and the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) has become blurred.

The war in Gaza has required the longest mobilisation of military reservists – the backbone of the IDF – in Israel’s history. To get more Israelis into uniform, brigades in the West Bank have formed regional defence units made up of settlers.

“Now the settlers are the military. In the military are the settlers. So that settler on the hilltop nearby a Palestinian herding community that was beating them up and throwing stones for the past two three or four years, trying to get him out, now is the soldier or the officer in uniform with a gun responsible for the area.

“So when he comes to a Palestinian and says, ‘you have 24 hours to pack up and leave or I’m going to shoot you,’ the Palestinian knows there is nothing to protect him.”

Shaul believes Israel has two choices left. One direction, he argues, is “the vector that this government is writing, displacement, abuse, killing, destroying Palestinian life, ultimately, writing a vector to mass population transfer”.

“Or, it is two states where Palestine resides besides Israel and both peoples here have rights and dignity. These are the only two options in our cards. Now you and anyone who watches us, need to choose which one you support.”

He uses language about Netanyahu’s conduct of the Gaza war since 7 October that is rare in Israel but common among Palestinians and increasingly heard among Israel’s critics in Europe.

This is part of our conversation, in the shadow of the steel and razor wire between the village of Sinjel and Road 60 – the West Bank’s main highway.

He says: “I think while we see a war of extermination in Gaza… we see a massive campaign by the state and the settlers… to basically ethnically cleanse as much land of the West Bank from Palestinians.”

I reply: “Of course, if Netanyahu was here, any of his supporters, they’d say, ‘what a load of rubbish. This is about Israeli security against terrorism and attacks on Jews.’ What do you make of that?”

He responds: “I actually believe that if 7 October taught us one thing it is, if you really care about protecting Israelis and Palestinian life, you need to take care of the root causes of the violence: decades of brutal military occupation, displacement of Palestinians and a conflict that is going on for about 100 years.

“Ultimately, the security protection, the sustainability of Jewish self-determination in this land, is interlinked and intertwined with achieving self-determination rights and equality for Palestinians.”

US President Donald Trump has said homeless people must “move out” of Washington DC as he vowed to tackle crime in the city, but the mayor pushed back against the White House likening the capital to Baghdad.

“We will give you places to stay, but FAR from the Capital,” he posted on Sunday. The Republican president also trailed a news conference for Monday about his plan to make the city “safer and more beautiful than it ever was before”.

Mayor Muriel Bowser, a Democrat, said: “We are not experiencing a crime spike.”

Trump signed an order last month making it easier to arrest homeless people, and he last week ordered federal law enforcement into the streets of Washington DC.

“The Homeless have to move out, IMMEDIATELY,” Trump wrote on his social media site Truth Social on Sunday.

“We will give you places to stay, but FAR from the Capital. The Criminals, you don’t have to move out. We’re going to put you in jail where you belong.”

Alongside photos of tents and rubbish, he added: “There will be no ‘MR. NICE GUY.’ We want our Capital BACK. Thank you for your attention to this matter!”

The specifics of the president’s plan are not yet clear, but in a 2022 speech he proposed moving homeless people to “high quality” tents on inexpensive land outside cities, while providing access to bathrooms and medical professionals.

On Friday, Trump ordered federal agents – including from US Park Police, the Drug Enforcement Administration, the FBI and the US Marshals Service – into Washington DC to curb what he called “totally out of control” levels of crime.

A White House official told National Public Radio that up to 450 federal officers were deployed on Saturday night.

The move comes after a 19-year-old former employee of the Department of Government Efficiency (Doge) was assaulted in an alleged attempted carjacking in Washington DC.

Trump vented about that incident on social media, posting a photo of the bloodied victim.

Mayor Bowser told MSNBC on Sunday: “It is true that we had a terrible spike in crime in 2023, but this is not 2023.

“We have spent over the last two years driving down violent crime in this city, driving it down to a 30-year low.”

She criticised White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller for dubbing the US capital “more violent than Baghdad”.

“Any comparison to a war-torn country is hyperbolic and false,” Bowser said.

Washington DC’s homicide rate remains relatively high per capita compared to other US cities, with a total of 98 such killings recorded so far this year. Homicides have been trending higher in the US capital from a decade ago.

But federal data from January suggests that Washington DC last year recorded its lowest overall violent crime figures – once carjacking, assault and robberies are incorporated – in 30 years.

Trump has said there will be a news conference at the White House on Monday to outline their plans to stop violent crime in the US capital.

In another post on Sunday he said the event at 10:00 EDT (14:00 GMT) would address ending “crime, murder and death” in the city, as well as its “physical renovation”.

He described Bowser as “a good person who has tried”, adding that despite her efforts crime continues to get “worse” and the city becomes “dirtier and less attractive”.

Community Partnership, an organisation that works to reduce homelessness in Washington DC, told Reuters news agency that the city of 700,000 residents had about 3,782 people homeless on any given night.

Most were in public housing or emergency shelters, but about 800 were considered “on the street”.

As a district, rather than a state, Washington DC is overseen by the federal government, which has the power to override some local laws.

The president controls federal land and buildings in the city, although he would need Congress to assume federal control of the district.

In recent days, he has threatened to take over the Washington DC Metropolitan Police Department, which Bowser argued was not possible.

“There are very specific things in our law that would allow the president to have more control over our police department,” Bowser said. “None of those conditions exist in our city right now.”

“Brazen! It is brazen!” Prof Paul Sereno says down the phone line from Chicago.

He makes no effort to disguise his anger that a rare meteorite from Mars discovered two years ago in the West African nation of Niger ended up being auctioned off in New York last month to an unnamed buyer.

The palaeontologist, who has close connections with the country, believes it should be back in Niger.

This millions-of-years-old piece of the Red Planet, the largest ever found on Earth, fetched $4.3m (£3.2m) at Sotheby’s. Like the buyer, the seller was kept anonymous.

But it is unclear if any of this money went to Niger.

Fragments of extraterrestrial material that have made their way to Earth have long inspired reverence among humans – some ending up as religious objects, others as curiosities for display. More recently, many have become the subject of scientific study.

The trade in meteorites has been compared to the art market, with aesthetics and rarity affecting the price.

At first, there was a sense of awe surrounding the public display of this extraordinary Martian find – less than 400 of the 50,000 meteorites discovered have been shown to come from our planetary neighbour.

The photographs taken at Sotheby’s of the 24.7kg (54lb) rock – appearing in the lights to glow silver and red – compounded this feeling.

But then some people started asking questions about how it ended up under the auctioneer’s hammer.

Not least the government of Niger itself, which, in a statement, “expressed doubts about the legality of its export, raising concerns about possible illicit international trafficking”.

Sotheby’s strongly disputes this, saying the correct procedures were followed, but Niger has now launched an investigation into the circumstances of the discovery and sale of the meteorite, which has been given the scientific and unromantic name NWA 16788 (NWA standing for north-west Africa).

Little has been made public about how it ended up at a world-renowned auction house in the US.

An Italian academic article published last year said that it was found on 16 November 2023 in the Sahara Desert in Niger’s Agadez region, 90km (56 miles) to the west of the Chirfa Oasis, by “a meteorite hunter, whose identity remained undisclosed”.

Meteorites can fall anywhere on Earth, but because of the favourable climate for preservation and the lack of human disturbance, the Sahara has become a prime spot for their discovery. People scour the inhospitable landscape stretching across several countries in the hope of finding one to sell on.

According to the Italian article, NWA 16788, was “sold by the local community to an international dealer” and was then transferred to a private gallery in the Italian city of Arezzo.

The University of Florence’s magazine described the person as “an important Italian gallery owner”.

A team of scientists led by Giovanni Pratesi, mineralogy professor at the university, was able to examine it to learn more about its structure and where it came from. The meteorite was then briefly on display last year in Italy, including at the Italian Space Agency in Rome.

It was next seen in public in New York last month, minus two slices that stayed in Italy for more research.

Sotheby’s said that NWA 16788 was “exported from Niger and transported in line with all relevant international procedures.

“As with everything we sell, all relevant documentation was in order at each stage of its journey, in accordance with best practice and the requirements of the countries involved.”

A spokesperson added that Sotheby’s was aware of reports that Niger is investigating the export of the meteorite and “we are reviewing the information available to us in light of the question raised”.

Prof Sereno, who founded the organisation NigerHeritage a decade ago, is convinced Nigerien law was broken.

The academic with the University of Chicago, who has spent years uncovering the country’s vast deposits of dinosaur bones in the Sahara, campaigns to get Niger’s cultural and natural heritage – including anything that has fallen from outer space – returned.

A stunning museum on an island on the River Niger that runs through the capital, Niamey, is being planned to house these artefacts.

“International law says you cannot simply take something that is important to the heritage of a country – be it a cultural item, a physical item, a natural item, an extraterrestrial item – out of the country. You know we’ve moved on from colonial times when all this was okay,” Prof Sereno says.

A series of global agreements, including under the UN’s cultural organisation Unesco, have tried to regulate the trade in these objects. But, according to a 2019 study by international law expert Max Gounelle, when it comes to meteorites, while they could be included, there remains some ambiguity about whether they are covered by these agreements. It is left to individual states to clarify the position.

Niger passed its own law in 1997 aimed at protecting its heritage.

Prof Sereno points to one section with a detailed list of all the categories included. “Mineralogical specimens” are mentioned among the art works, architecture and archaeological finds but meteorites are not specifically named.

In its statement on the Sotheby’s sale, Niger admitted that it “does not yet have specific legislation on meteorites” – a line that the auction house also pointed out. But it remains unclear how someone was able to get such a heavy, conspicuous artefact out of the country without the authorities apparently noticing.

Morocco has faced a similar issue with the huge number of meteorites – more than 1,000 – found within its borders, which include a part of the Sahara.

More than two decades ago the country experienced what author Helen Gordon described as a “Saharan gold rush”, fuelled in part by laxer regulations and a more stable political environment than some of its neighbours.

In her recent book The Meteorites, she wrote that Morocco was “one of the world’s greatest exporters of space rocks”.

Prof Hasnaa Chennaoui Aoudjehane has spent much of the past 25 years trying to hold on to some of that extraterrestrial material for her country.

“It’s a part of us, it’s a part of our heritage… it’s part of our identity and it’s important to be proud of the richness of the country,” the geologist tells the BBC.

The professor is not against the trade in meteorites but has been instrumental in the introduction of measures aimed at regulating the business. She admits though that the new rules have not been entirely successful in stemming the flow of the meteorites.

In 2011, Prof Chennaoui was responsible for gathering material in the desert from an observed meteorite fall that turned out to be from Mars.

Later named the Tissint meteorite, it weighed 7kg in all, but now she says only 30g remain in Morocco. Some of the rest is in museums around the world, with the biggest piece on display in London’s Natural History Museum.

Reflecting on the fate of Niger’s Martian meteorite, she says she was not surprised as it is “something that I’m living with for 25 years. It’s a pity, we cannot be happy with this, but it’s the same state in all our countries.”

Prof Sereno hopes that the Sotheby’s sale will prove a turning-point – firstly by motivating the Nigerien authorities to act and secondly “if it ever sees the light of day in a public museum, [the museum] is going to have to deal with the fact that Niger is openly contesting it”.

• Sotheby’s returns Buddha jewels to India after uproar
• Meteorite smugglers anger scientists
• Nasa Mars rover: Meteorite to head home to Red Planet
• Antarctic meteorites yield global bombardment rate
• A fireball, a driveway and a priceless meteorite

Four Al Jazeera journalists have been killed in an Israeli strike near Gaza City’s Al-Shifa Hospital, the broadcaster has said.

Correspondents Anas al-Sharif and Mohammed Qreiqeh and cameramen Ibrahim Zaher and Mohammed Noufal were in a tent for journalists at the hospital’s main gate when it was targeted, Al Jazeera reported.

A fortnight ago, it condemned the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) for what it called a “campaign of incitement” against its reporters in Gaza, including al-Sharif.

Shortly after the strike, the IDF confirmed that it had struck Anas al-Sharif, posting on Telegram that he had “served as the head of a terrorist cell in Hamas”.

The IDF did not mention any of the other journalists who were killed. The BBC has contacted Al Jazeera for comment.

Al-Sharif, 28, appeared to be posting on X in the moments before his death, warning of intense Israeli bombardment within Gaza City.

A post which was published after he was reported to have died appears to have been pre-written and published by a friend.

In two graphic videos of the aftermath of the strike, which have been confirmed by BBC Verify, men can be seen carrying the bodies of those who were killed. Some shout out Mohammed Qreiqeh’s name, and a man wearing a press vest says that one of the bodies is that of Anas Al-Sharif.

In July, the Al Jazeera Media Network issued a statement denouncing “relentless efforts” by the IDF for an “ongoing campaign of incitement targeting Al Jazeera’s correspondents and journalists in the Gaza Strip”.

“The Network considers this incitement a dangerous attempt to justify the targeting of its journalists in the field,” it added.

The IDF statement accused al-Sharif of posing as a journalist, and being “responsible for advancing rocket attacks against Israeli civilians and IDF troops”

It said it had previously “disclosed intelligence” confirming his military affiliation, which included “lists of terrorist training courses”.

“Prior to the strike, steps were taken to mitigate harm to civilians, including the use of precise munition, aerial surveillance, and additional intelligence,” the statement added.

According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, 186 journalists have been confirmed killed since the start of Israel’s military offensive in Gaza in October 2023.

A few days ago, India’s Election Commission released updated draft electoral rolls for Bihar state, where key elections are scheduled for November, following a month-long revision of the voters’ list.

But opposition parties and election charities say the exercise was rushed through – and many voters in Bihar have told the BBC that the draft rolls have wrong photos and include dead people.

The Special Intensive Revision – better known by its acronym SIR – was held from 25 June to 26 July and the commission said its officials visited each of the state’s listed 78.9 million voters to verify their details. It said the last such revision was in 2003 and an update was necessary.

The new draft rolls have 72.4 million names – 6.5 million fewer than before. The commission says deletions include 2.2 million dead, 700,000 enrolled more than once and 3.6 million who have migrated from the state.

Corrections are open until 1 September, with over 165,000 applications received. A similar review will be conducted nationwide to verify nearly a billion voters.

But opposition parties have accused the commission of dropping many voters – especially Muslims who make up a sizeable chunk of the population in four border districts – to aid Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the upcoming state election.

The poll body and BJP have denied the allegations. In response to the BBC’s questions, the Election Commission shared its 24 June order on conducting the SIR and a 27 July press note outlining efforts to ensure no eligible voter was “left behind”.

“Further, [the commission] does not take any responsibility of any other misinformation or unsubstantiated allegations being floated around by some vested interests,” it added in the response.

The commission has not released the list of deleted names or given any break-up according to religion, so it’s not possible to verify the opposition’s concerns.

A review by Hindustan Times newspaper found high voter deletions in Kishanganj, a district with the largest share of Muslims in Bihar, but not in other Muslim-dominated constituencies.

Parliament has faced repeated adjournments as opposition MPs demand a debate on what they call a threat to democracy. Outside, they chanted “Down down Modi”, “Take SIR back” and “Stop stealing votes”. The Supreme Court is also reviewing the move after watchdog ADR questioned its timing.

“It comes just three months before the assembly elections and there has not been enough time given to the exercise,” Jagdeep Chhokar of ADR, told the BBC.

“As reports from the ground showed, there were irregularities when the exercise was being conducted and the process of data collection was massively faulty,” he added.

The ADR has argued in court that the exercise “will disenfranchise millions of genuine voters” in a state that’s one of India’s poorest and is home to “a large number of marginalised communities”.

It says the SIR shifts the burden onto people to prove their citizenship, often requiring their own and their parents’ documents within a short deadline – an impossible task for millions of poor migrant workers.

While the draft roll was being published, we travelled to Patna and nearby villages to hear what voters think of SIR.

In Danara village, home to the poorest of the poor known as Mahadalits, most residents work on farms of upper-castes or are unemployed.

Homes are crumbling, open drains line the narrow lanes and a stagnant puddle near the local temple has turned brackish.

Most residents had little to no idea about SIR or its impact, and many weren’t sure if officials had even visited their homes.

But they deeply value their vote. “Losing it would be devastating,” says Rekha Devi. “It will push us further into poverty.”

In Kharika village, many men said they’d heard of SIR and submitted forms, spending 300 rupees (£3.42; £2.55) on getting new photos taken. But after the draft rolls came out, farmer and retired teacher Tarkeshwar Singh called it “a mess”. He shared pages showing his family’s details – pointing out errors, including the wrong photo next to his name.

“I have no idea whose photo it is,” he says, adding that his wife Suryakala Devi and son Rajeev also have wrong pictures. “But the worst is my other son Ajeev’s case – it has an unknown woman’s photo.”

Mr Singh goes on to list other anomalies – in his daughter-in-law Juhi Kumari’s document, he’s named as husband in place of his son. Another daughter-in-law, Sangeeta Singh, is listed twice from the same address – only one has her correct photo and date of birth.

Many of his relatives and neighbours, he says, have similar complaints. He points out the name of a cousin who died more than five years back but still figures on the list – and at least two names that appear twice.

“There’s obviously been no checking. The list has dead people and duplicates and many who did not even fill the form. This is a misuse of government machinery and billions of rupees that have been spent on this exercise.”

Mr Chhokar of ADR says they will raise these issues in the Supreme Court this week. In July, the court said it would stay the exercise if petitioners produce 15 genuine voters missing from the draft rolls.

“But how do we do that since the commission has not provided a list of the 6.5 million names that have been removed?” he asks.

Mr Chhokar says a justice on the two-judge bench suggested delinking the exercise from upcoming elections to allow more time for a proper review.

“I’ll be happy with that takeaway,” he says.

The SIR and draft rolls have split Bihar’s parties: the opposition Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) questions them, while the ruling Janata Dal (United) – BJP alliance backs them.

“The complexity of this revision has left many people confused,” says Shivanand Tiwari, general secretary of the RJD.

Tiwari questions the Election Commission’s “claims that 98.3% electors have filled their forms” and says “in most villages, our voters and workers say the Block Level Officer (BLO) – generally a local schoolteacher appointed by the commission to go door-to-door – did not visit them. Many BLOs are not trained and don’t know how to upload forms”. (The commission has said the BLOs have worked “very responsibly”.)

Tiwari alleges that the “commission is partisan and this is manipulation of elections”.

“We believe the target are border areas where a lot of Muslims live who never vote for the BJP,” he says.

The BJP and the JD(U) have rejected the criticism, saying “it’s entirely political”.

“Only Indian citizens have the right to vote and we believe that a lot of Rohingya and Bangladeshis have settled in the border areas in recent years. And they have to be weeded out from the list,” said Bhim Singh, a BJP MP from Bihar.

“The SIR has nothing to do with anyone’s religion and the opposition is raising it because they know they will lose the upcoming election and need a scapegoat to blame for their loss,” he added.

JD(U)’s chief spokesperson and state legislator Neeraj Kumar Singh said “the Election Commission is only doing its job”.

“There are lots of voters on the list who figure twice or even three times. So shouldn’t that be corrected?” he asks.

European allies have rallied behind Ukraine in a renewed surge of support, insisting that any peace talks with Russia must include Kyiv.

A joint statement issued by the leaders of the UK, France, Italy, Germany, Poland, Finland and the European Commission came ahead of US President Donald Trump’s meeting with his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin in Alaska on Friday.

A White House official has said that Trump is willing to hold a trilateral meeting which would also include Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, but, for now, it remains a Trump-Putin summit, as initially requested by the Russian leader.

Zelensky has said any agreements without Kyiv will amount to “dead decisions”.

Trump has previously suggested that he could start by meeting only with Putin, telling reporters he planned to “start off with Russia.” But the US president also said that he believed “we have a shot at” organising a trilateral meeting with both Putin and Zelensky.

Whether Putin would agree to this is unclear – he has refused several opportunities to hold direct talks, and the two leaders have not met face-to-face since Putin launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine more than three years ago.

Speaking on Friday, Trump also suggested that there “will be some swapping of territories” in order for Moscow and Kyiv to reach an agreement – to which Zelensky reacted strongly.

“We will not reward Russia for what it has perpetrated,” he said on Telegram. “Any decisions against us, any decisions without Ukraine, are also decisions against peace.”

“The Russians… still impose the idea of ‘exchanging’ Ukrainian territory for Ukrainian territory, with consequences that guarantee nothing but more convenient positions for the Russians to resume the war,” he added defiantly.

CBS, the BBC’s US media partner, has reported that the White House is trying to sway European allies to accept an agreement that would include Russia taking the entire Donbas region in eastern Ukraine, and keeping the Crimean Peninsula.

The European leaders, in their statement released late on Saturday night, stressed that “international borders must not be changed by force”.

“Ukraine has the freedom of choice over its own destiny,” they said, stressing that their nations would continue to support Ukraine diplomatically, militarily and financially.

The leaders also said that a “diplomatic solution” is critical, not just to protect Ukraine – but also Europe’s security.

It’s not just Ukraine that is struggling to be part of the Alaska meeting.

European allies are also worried about their lack of influence over the outcome of any agreement that Trump could reach with Putin.

In a post on X on Saturday, French President Emmanuel Macron raised concerns about Russia and the US excluding European involvement.

“Europeans will also necessarily be part of the solution, as their own security is at stake,” he wrote.

On Sunday, Zelensky thanked the allies for their support.

“The end of the war must be fair, and I am grateful to everyone who stands with Ukraine and our people today for the sake of peace in Ukraine, which is defending the vital security interests of our European nations,” he said.

Europe has taken a tough approach to Moscow – including imposing sanctions against Russian entities and providing military aid for Ukraine.

Zelensky said he told Macron in a phone call on Saturday that the key was to make sure “the Russians do not get to deceive anyone again”.

“We all need a genuine end to the war and reliable security foundations for Ukraine and other European nations,” the Ukrainian leader said.

US diplomacy with Europe and Ukraine fell to Vice-President JD Vance on Saturday, when he visited the UK and held talks with Foreign Secretary David Lammy as well as two of Zelensky’s top aides.

Thanking Vance for the discussions, Andriy Yermak, the head of Zelensky’s office, stressed the need for Ukraine to be included.

“A reliable, lasting peace is only possible with Ukraine at the negotiating table,” he said. “A ceasefire is necessary – but the frontline is not a border.”

The summit in Alaska, the territory which Russia sold to the US in 1867, would be the first between sitting US and Russian presidents, since Joe Biden met Putin in Geneva in June 2021.

Nine months later, Moscow sent troops into Ukraine.

In 2022, the Kremlin announced the annexation of four Ukrainian regions – Donetsk, Lugansk, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson – despite not having full control over them.

Moscow has failed to achieve a decisive breakthrough in its full-scale invasion, but occupies large swathes of Ukraine’s eastern territory. Ukrainian offensives, meanwhile, have not been able to push the Russian forces back.

He is France’s last newspaper hawker; maybe the last in Europe.

Ali Akbar has been pounding the pavement of Paris’s Left Bank for more than 50 years, papers under the arm and on his lips the latest headline.

And now he is to be officially recognised for his contribution to French culture. President Emmanuel Macron – who once as a student himself bought newspapers from Mr Akbar – is to decorate him next month with the Order of Merit, one of France’s highest honours.

“When I began here in 1973 there were 35 or 40 of us hawkers in Paris,” he says. “Now I am alone.

“It became too discouraging. Everything is digital now. People just want to consult their telephones.”

These days, on his rounds via the cafés of fashionable Saint-Germain, Mr Akbar can hope to sell around 30 copies of Le Monde. He keeps half the sale price, but gets no refund for returns.

Back before the Internet, he would sell 80 copies within the first hour of the newspaper’s afternoon publication.

“In the old days people would crowd around me looking for the paper. Now I have to chase down clients to try to sell one,” he says.

Not that the decline in trade remotely bothers Mr Akbar, who says he keeps going for the sheer joy of the job.

“I am a joyous person. And I am free. With this job, I am completely independent. There is no-one giving me orders. That’s why I do it.”

The sprightly 72-year-old is a familiar and much-loved figure in the neighbourhood. “I first came here in the 1960s and I’ve grown up with Ali. He is like a brother,” says one woman.

“He knows everyone. And he is such fun,” says another.

Ali Akbar was born in Rawalpindi, Pakistan, and made his way to Europe in the late 1960s, arriving first in Amsterdam where he got work on board a cruise liner.

In 1972 the ship docked in the French city of Rouen, and a year later he was in Paris. He got his residency papers in the 1980s.

“Me, I wasn’t a hippy back then, but I knew a lot of hippies,” he says with his characteristic laugh.

“When I was in Afghanistan on my way to Europe I landed up with a group who tried to make me smoke hashish.

“I told them sorry, but I had a mission in life, and it wasn’t to spend the next month sleeping in Kabul!”

In the once intellectual hub of Saint-Germain he got to meet celebrities and writers. Elton John once bought him milky tea at Brasserie Lipp. And selling papers in front of the prestigious Sciences-Po university, he was acquainted with generations of future politicians – like President Macron.

So how has the legendary Left Bank neighbourhood changed since he first held aloft a copy of Le Monde and flogged it (with a shout)?

“The atmosphere isn’t the same,” he laments. “Back then there were publishers and writers everywhere – and actors and musicians. The place had soul. But now it is just tourist-town.

“The soul has gone,” he says – but he laughs as he does.

US fashion designer Willy Chavarria has apologised after a shoe he created in collaboration with Adidas Originals was criticised for “cultural appropriation”.

The Oaxaca Slip-On was inspired by traditional leather sandals known as huaraches made by Indigenous artisans in Mexico.

The Mexican president was among those who spoke out against the footwear, which was reportedly made in China without consultation or credit to the communities who originated the design.

Chavarria said in a statement sent to the BBC: “I am deeply sorry that the shoe was appropriated in this design and not developed in direct and meaningful partnership with the Oaxacan community.” The BBC has contacted Adidas for comment.

Cultural appropriation is defined as “the unacknowledged or inappropriate adoption of the customs, practices, ideas, of one people or society by members of a typically more dominant people or society”.

Mexico’s President Claudia Sheinbaum told a press conference: “Big companies often take products, ideas and designs from Indigenous communities.”

She added: “We are looking at the legal part to be able to support them.”

Adidas had contacted Oaxacan officials to discuss “restitution to the people who were plagiarised”, Mexico’s deputy culture minister Marina Nunez added.

Promotional images of the black moulded open-toe footwear have been taken down from the brand’s social media accounts as well as Chavarria’s.

In his statement, Chavarria said he wanted “to speak from the heart about the Oaxaca slip-on I created with Adidas”.

“The intention was always to honor the powerful cultural and artistic spirit of Oaxaca and its creative communities – a place whose beauty and resistance have inspired me. The name Oaxaca is not just a word – its living culture, its people, and its history.”

He went on to say he was “deeply sorry” he did not work with the Oaxacan community on the design.

“This falls short of the respect and collaborative approach that Oaxaca, the Zapotec community of Villa Hidalgo Yalalag, and its people deserve,” he added.

“I know love is not just given – it is earned through action.”

Chavarria was Calvin Klein’s senior vice president of design until 2024 and is the founder and chief creative officer of his eponymous label.

In an emailed statement, Adidas told the BBC that it “recognizes and values the cultural richness of Mexico’s Indigenous communities and the meaning of their artisanal heritage.”

“The ’Oaxaca Slip-On‘ was inspired by a design from Oaxaca, rooted in the tradition of Villa Hidalgo Yalálag. We offer a public apology and reaffirm our commitment to collaborate with Yalálag in a respectful dialogue that honors their cultural legacy.”

The Associated Press reported that Adidas responded to Mexican authorities in a letter on Friday.

The company reportedly said it “deeply values the cultural wealth of Mexico’s Indigenous people and recognises the relevance” of criticisms, and requested a sit-down to talk about how to “repair the damage” to Indigenous communities.

Thousands of protesters have taken to the streets across Israel to oppose the government’s plan to expand its military operation in Gaza.

On Friday, Israel’s security cabinet approved five principles to end the war that included ‘taking security control’ over the Gaza Strip, with the Israeli military saying it would “prepare for taking control” of Gaza City.

Protesters, including family members of 50 hostages in Gaza, 20 of whom are still thought to be alive, fear the plan puts the lives of hostages at risk, and urged the government to secure their release.

Israeli leaders have rejected criticism of their plan, with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu saying “this will help free our hostages”.

A group representing families of the hostages said on X: “Expanding the fighting endangers the hostages and the soldiers – the people of Israel are not willing to risk them!”

One protester Shakha, rallying in Jerusalem on Saturday, told the BBC: “We want the war to end because our hostages are dying there, and we need them all to be home now.”

“Whatever it takes to do, we need to do it. And if it needs to stop the war, we’ll stop the war.”

Among the protesters in Jerusalem was a former soldier who told the BBC he is now refusing to serve. Max Kresch said he was a combat soldier at the beginning of the war and “has since refused.”

“We’re over 350 soldiers who served during the war and we’re refusing to continue to serve in Netanyahu’s political war that endangers the hostages (and) starving innocent Palestinians in Gaza,” he said.

The Times of Israel reported that family members of hostages and soldiers at a protest in Tel Aviv near the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) headquarters called on other soldiers to refuse to serve in the expanded military operation to protect hostages.

The mother of one of the hostages has called for a general strike in Israel, and the main opposition leader, Yair Lapid, said it would be a “justified and worthy” response.

However, the country’s main labour union will not back a strike, according to the Times of Israel.

During Saturday night’s demonstrations, Tel Aviv’s Ayalon Highway was blocked by protesters who lit bonfires.

Three suspects were arrested and “materials intended for setting fires on main roads” were seized, Israeli police said.

Netanyahu has also faced strong opposition from the army’s Chief of Staff, Lt Gen Eyal Zamir who, according to Israeli media, had warned the prime minister that a full occupation of Gaza was “tantamount to walking into a trap” and would endanger the living hostages.

Polls suggest most of the Israeli public favour a deal with Hamas for the release of the hostages and the end of the war.

Netanyahu had told Fox News earlier this week that Israel planned to occupy of the entire Gaza Strip and eventually “hand it over to Arab forces”.

“We are not going to occupy Gaza – we are going to free Gaza from Hamas,” Netanyahu said on X on Friday. “This will help free our hostages and ensure Gaza does not pose a threat to Israel in the future.”

The Israeli security cabinet’s plan lists five “principles” for ending the war: disarming Hamas, returning all hostages, demilitarising the Gaza Strip, taking security control of the territory, and establishing “an alternative civil administration that is neither Hamas nor the Palestinian Authority”.

A top UN official earlier this week warned that a complete military takeover of Gaza City would risk “catastrophic consequences” for Palestinians civilians and hostages.

Up to one million Palestinians live in Gaza City in the north of the Gaza Strip, which was the enclave’s most populous city before the war.

The UK, France, Canada and several other countries have condemned Israel’s decision and Germany announced that it would halt its military exports to Israel in response.

The United Nations Security Council will meet on Sunday to discuss Israel’s plan.

International leaders and UN agencies have also called on Israel, which controls the entry of all goods into Gaza, to allow more humanitarian aid and food into the territory amid a growing number of reported deaths due to hunger.

Five people, including two children, died in Gaza during the past 24 hours due to malnutrition, the Hamas-run health ministry said on Sunday.

The total number of malnutrition-related deaths in Gaza is now 217, including 100 children, the health ministry added.

Israel has blamed Hamas and denied starvation in Gaza. However, UN-backed food security experts assessed in July that “the worst case scenario of famine is already playing out”.

The BBC and other news organisations are not allowed by Israel to report independently from Gaza.

At least 59 people were killed and 363 injured in the past 24 hours as a result of Israel’s military operation, the health ministry said, with 35 people killed while trying to get aid.

Israel began its military offensive in Gaza after the Hamas-led attacks on Israel on 7 October 2023, in which about 1,200 people were killed and 251 others were taken hostage.

Since then, 61,430 people have been killed in Gaza as a result of Israeli military operations, the health ministry says.

Two men and one woman were killed by sea mines while swimming in Odesa, according to Ukrainian media.

A local official confirmed the three had been killed by “explosive devices”, at beaches close to Zatoka, where recreational swimming is banned.

The Black Sea has long been a popular holiday destination in Ukraine, but many of its beaches have been deemed unsafe since Russia’s full scale invasion.

Officials have urged holiday goers not to swim in prohibited waters.

Witnesses told local outlet Dumskaya that the explosions happened at 11:30 (09:30 BST) on Sunday between Karolino-Buhaz and Zatoka.

“All of them have been killed by explosive devices while swimming in areas prohibited for recreation,” regional governor Oleh Kiper confirmed.

“This once again proves that being in unchecked waters is fatally dangerous.”

Police say they have not yet confirmed the identity of the swimmers, and warned visitors “not to neglect safety measures”.

“It has been previously determined that three vacationers – a woman and two men – died while swimming as a result of two explosions of unknown objects. The identities of the deceased are being established,” the police report states.

Thirty two areas are safe for swimming, with 30 of these located in Odesa, according to authorities.

The findings of a year-long undercover investigation into a violent migrant-smuggling gang were published by BBC News on 5 August – and, as a result, one person has now been arrested in Birmingham.

Here, one of our reporters who assumed a false identity and posed as a migrant, describes how he met one of the gang’s senior members in a secret forest hideout.

I am walking towards the forest near Dunkirk, thinking about the battery in my pocket. I’ve hidden the wires under two T-shirts, but is anything still showing? Is my secret camera working? Is it pointing at the right angle? I have, at most, three hours of battery life left, and I need to get to the smuggler’s secret camp, meet him, and get out safely.

This is perhaps the most dangerous and most important moment for me, the culmination of many months working on this investigation with the team.

There is a small team of high-risk advisers watching my back. With gang members monitoring everyone who enters the forest, I worry my advisers may end up exposing me rather than protecting me. But they play it perfectly and keep a low profile.

I’m using a false name. My clothes are similar to those worn by other people trying to get a ride on a small boat to England. Scuffed, old shoes. A big, warm, dirty, jacket. A backpack that I’ve spent time trying to make look worn, as if I have travelled long, hard miles to get here.

I keep going over my cover story in my head. The excuses I might need to get away quickly. The possible scenarios. We have planned and planned, but I know nothing ever goes exactly as expected in the field.

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I am an Arabic-speaking man and have gone undercover before – but each time is different, and carries different risks.

Over the past couple of years, I’ve spent a long time in northern France, trying to understand and expose the people smugglers’ complicated and shadowy operations. It was not an easy decision to infiltrate a violent criminal network.

I’m entering a world ruled by money, power and silence. But I’m not just curious – I also believe the gangs are not as untouchable as they seem and that I can play a role in exposing them and perhaps helping to stop them.

Inside the forest, my nervousness fades. I am “Abu Ahmed” now – my false identity. I don’t even feel like I’m acting a part.

I’m new in town, a Syrian refugee whose asylum bid was rejected by Germany. I’m scared, desperate, a little lost and at the beginning of an uncertain journey.

I walk down a path to the smugglers’ camp trying to remember the way I came in.

When the smuggler, Abdullah, meets me, he is friendly but he says he needs to leave immediately. I try to sound weary. I must persuade him to wait, to talk to me quickly, while my battery is still working. Then, I can get out of there.

Abdullah suspects nothing and seems entirely at ease. But I know the smugglers have guns and knives and there is only one path that leads in and out of the camp.

A day later, away from the forest, I see online that there has been another fatal shooting there.

One of the most difficult things during my time undercover, in the weeks before I meet Abdullah, is keeping track of the phone numbers. Gang members change them often, and sometimes you can lose months of work in a second. At times I’ve lost hope, seeing everything fall apart. But I keep learning.

I spend a lot of time meeting people waiting for small boats around Calais or Boulogne, asking them which gang they are using, which phone numbers they have. Early mornings are spent at train stations, food distribution centres, or on the edge of forests and beaches. Sometimes I just watch, trying to melt into a crowd, to overhear conversations, to spot glances and gestures and to see who leads and who follows.

I must be careful. I move from place to place in different cars over the weeks, and generally try to disappear into the background. I don’t want to do or say anything that could bring me to the attention of the smugglers. They have so many eyes and ears here, and if they become suspicious, it could be dangerous for me.

Am I scared? Not too often. I have engaged with even more dangerous groups in the past. But I am worried I could make a mistake, forget a detail, and blow my cover. Or at least one of my covers.

I switch phones too, contacting smugglers using different names and back stories to try to piece together who works where and what they do. I label each phone. I have French, German, Turkish and Syrian numbers. It is slow work. I’m careful to make sure I’m in the right place whenever I make a call, in case the smuggler asks me to turn on my video or send a pin showing my location.

The smugglers always ask me, “Where did you get the number?” And, “Who is with you? Where are you staying? How did you get to France?”

Now Abdullah does the same, asking me to send photos showing my journey to the forest from a bus stop in Dunkirk.

Does he suspect me?

In person in the forest, Abdullah appears friendlier than most of the smugglers I have encountered. I notice he seems keen to make all his passengers feel at ease, always responding to calls. He strikes me as ambitious.

Over time, I learn some of the gang’s vocabulary. Migrants are “nafar”. The junior smugglers are “rebari”. The forest is always “the jungle”.

And now it is time for me to leave the jungle and to head back towards my team who are waiting, anxiously, at a nearby supermarket.

As I leave the forest and get to the road, I’m no longer “Abu Ahmed”. I’m a journalist again, tortured by questions.

Did the camera work? Did I manage to film Abdullah confirming his role as a smuggler? Is anyone following me now?

The walk back seems even longer.

He sang wistfully of the English town that shaped his life.

Ed Sheeran grew up in Framlingham in Suffolk and its rolling hills and magnificent castle inspired his hit single, Castle on the Hill. It was the homeplace he pined for.

So when he recently described himself as “culturally Irish,” the singer faced social media criticism on both sides of the Irish Sea.

Sheeran replied that he had two paternal Irish grandparents, an Irish parent, an Irish passport, and a childhood filled with Irish summer holidays. Ireland was the place where his musical taste was formed, he said. “I can be allowed to feel a connection to a place half my family is from.”

Yet he was accused of being Irish “when it suits him” by one poster.

Another wrote on X: “I’ve seen B*Witched live and have watched a couple of Gaelic football games, which I think gives me an even more legitimate claim to be culturally Irish than Ed Sheeran.”

The mainstream press expressed perplexity at his embrace of an Irish cultural identity “despite being born and raised in England”.

Not everyone agrees.

To Ros Scanlon, programmer for the Irish Cultural Centre in London, it shouldn’t surprise or offend anyone. It reflects her own experience as a second-generation Irish person in the UK.

“He’s owning his Irish heritage, saying he is proud of his cultural background,” says Ros. “That doesn’t mean to say he doesn’t like or love being British, that is part of him too.”

Certainly it is much easier to speak of an Irish identity in Britain now that there is peace in Northern Ireland.

As the Belfast South MP, Claire Hanna, who is now leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party, told parliament during a St Patrick’s Day debate in 2022: “Many are moving on from the traditional binaries of the past and embracing the ‘or both’ part of the Good Friday agreement, not feeling that they have to decide between being British and Irish if they do not wish to do so.”

Sheeran’s declaration raises this point once again, and prompts the deeper question of what cultural “Irishness” really is today.

Professor Linda Connolly, director of sociology at Maynooth University in County Kildare, argues that Ed Sheeran’s statement is about an idea of identity that is bigger than where you were born or what you write on a census form.

“Ed Sheeran is stating quite clearly that culturally he is Irish in Britain, and not just British and Irish in terms of citizenship alone,” she argues. “This applies to many second-generation Irish living in Britain.”

In Northern Ireland, Irishness can mean many things, not least because it is fraught with so much painful history.

For many unionists, staunch political loyalty to Britain and the Monarchy, sits alongside a deep attachment to the land they have lived on for hundreds of years. Symbols like the Celtic harp and the Shamrock are seen by many as belonging to both traditions.

There are unionists who cheer for an Irish rugby team but would never dream of singing the anthem of the Republic – a new song, Ireland’s Call, was written for the 1995 World Cup.

It is a complex and evolving set of choices, with frequent arguments. Promotion of the Irish language is bitterly opposed by a vocal section of Unionism. For most Catholics their Irish identity was historically something to be defended in a Unionist dominated state.

It was an identity that helped bind them to their co-religionists on the rest of the island, particularly in the fields of Gaelic sport and culture.

But as politics has changed there is less preoccupation with religious background, a greater sense of belonging to an international culture.

And this is without even beginning to speak of an identity that is demonstrably northern Irish with its shared dry humour.

Everyone has their own menu of what being “culturally Irish” means – for me, it’s about humour, about a love of words and music, and a refusal to take ourselves, or anybody else, too seriously.

It can also mean a sense of a particular landscape, either one you loved, or were glad to escape – or for second or third – generation Irish, a landscape of brief immersion on summer holidays from England. That was the world of “the streams, the rolling hills/Where his brown eyes were waiting” evoked by Shane MacGowan of the Pogues.

But there are as many definitions of “culturally Irish” as there are Irish people, or people who want to be Irish. It runs a wide spectrum of styles, influences, opinions and genres – from Oasis (born in Manchester to Irish parents), the rappers Kneecap, novelist Sally Rooney, the Irish actress of Nigerian descent Demi Isaac Oviawe, the London-born playwright Martin McDonagh of The Banshees of Inisherin fame.

The core members of The Beatles all had Irish grandparents or great grandparents, prompting John Lennon to tell a concert in Dublin: “We’re all Irish.”

That was in 1963 – some 62 years before Ed Sheeran’s declaration.

There are many voices too from the Irish Protestant tradition in Ulster – the singer Van Morrison and the novelist Jan Carson, who has written about growing up in an evangelical Christian home, and says she now feels “much more ease and comfort with an Irish identity than a British one”.

Ed Sheeran is himself a product of blended traditions. His grandfather was a Belfast Protestant who married a Catholic from the Republic of Ireland at a time of sectarian intolerance.

Today, it is undoubtedly easier these days for a big mainstream star like Sheeran to embrace an Irish cultural identity in Britain than it would have been several decades ago.

I think of the powerful song Nothing But the Same Old Story by Paul Brady, about an Irishman in Britain during the 1970s, amid the ongoing IRA campaign: “In their eyes, we’re nothing but a bunch of murderers.”

Ros Scanlon credits Irish cultural figures for much of the changed atmosphere, including legendary BBC presenter Terry Wogan and musicians such as U2, Thin Lizzy, Sinead O’Connor, the Pogues “and now Ed Sheeran!”

Yet all of these icons are building on the foundations laid by the unacknowledged millions who came to Britain over many centuries.

The generation of Ed Sheeran’s parents and grandparents were the Irish people who built Britain’s roads and housing estates, the railways above and below ground.

The famous ballad ‘McAlpine’s Fusiliers’ remembers how they “sweated blood and they washed down mud with pints and quarts of beer”. Irish nurses were fundamental to the staffing of the NHS.

In those days, most Irish immigrants found expression of their culture in the ballrooms of places like Kilburn in northwest London, or the Astoria in Manchester, or the Irish pubs which often catered to clientele from a specific county. Bouts of hostility encouraged newcomers to stick together.

But the extraordinary cross-fertilisation of the two cultures goes much further back – how could it not, given the colonial history and the proximity of both islands?

For two millennia there are records of the Irish trading, settling, and inter-marrying in Britain; they shared a common language with western Scotland and the Isle of Man, and a Druidic culture with the rest of Britain.

Monks from Ireland helped spread and then restore Christianity during the so-called Dark Ages. Sometimes it worked the other way: Ireland’s patron saint, Saint Patrick, was a Brit.

One of the bestselling songwriters of early 19th century Britain was Irishman Thomas Moore. His story typifies the often complex nature of cultural relationships: he was a champion of Irish liberty, but his great song “The Minstrel Boy” – written for rebels fighting Britain – is played by the band of the Irish Guards at the Cenotaph on Remembrance Day.

Nowadays, for second or third generation people, the country of their ancestors has never been more reachable. Cheap airfares have changed the nature of how Irish culture in Britain has evolved, says Caoimhe Nic Dháibhéid, Professor of Irish history at the University of Sheffield.

“The physical distance between Ireland and Britain has diminished in the Ryanair era… It seems to me also that Irish migration to Britain is now more likely to be temporary – people may come for a few years, then go home – whereas previously it was a more permanent departure.”

I should declare an interest. I am Irish. Living in Britain. I was born here while my father was a real-life cultural import, acting in the West End in J.M. Synge’s landmark drama, The Playboy of the Western World, a story from the west of Ireland, which won rave reviews from London audiences.

We went home after the play ended and I was brought up in Ireland. But I returned to work for the BBC. I have spent more than three decades as a correspondent for the BBC, and I have lived outside Ireland for longer than I did in the country.

What does that make me? My identity is made of many parts. I am Irish. I am a Londoner. I am also a Cork, Kerry and Waterford person.

The Irish language and music is an essential part of my cultural makeup. But I also cherish how that music is connected to the music of Scotland and North America, and I reckon one of the greatest songs of Irish exile was written by Englishman, Ralph McTell: “And the only time I feel alright is when I’m into drinking/ It sort of eases the pain of it and levels out my thinking… It’s a long way from Clare to here.”

My attachment to South Africa has shaped me in enduring and indelible ways too. Identity is also a story of deep and loving relationships, whether in Ireland, London, the African continent or France, to name but three important ones.

My feelings about identity are also inextricably linked to my experiences as a war reporter. I spent too many years witnessing ethnic cleansing, genocide and crimes against humanity often carried out because of hatred of a different identity.

The great writer, James Joyce, rejected any identity built around “nationality, language, religion” and defiantly vowed to “fly by those nets”.

He was writing about a different, much narrower Ireland of the early 20th century. But the policing of identity – who you are allowed to be – is disturbingly present in many societies, and many guises.

So, if somebody asks me to narrow my identity to a single label, I refuse, because it is mine, not to be explained or justified. And if it shifts tomorrow, that is my business.

The nature of identity is evolving – in Ireland it is absorbing the influences of other cultures, but also influencing those cultures.

Professor Nic Dháibhéid hopes the prominence of Irish cultural identities in Britain will prompt a greater interest in the history of the conflict in Northern Ireland, particularly among the under-25s who, as she sees it, “will have no memory of the Troubles, and so there is an even greater need to ensure that there is good mutual understanding between the people on our two islands.”

The big British audiences for Kneecap, to take an example, didn’t happen because young people had a sudden awakening about the problems of life in nationalist west Belfast. Kneecap connected with a much wider youth disillusionment: they are rapping in the Irish language but it’s the challenge to the establishment that resonates with some among the young.

It is important to recognise that the cultural influence can be polarising. Kneecap’s public statements and political stances have divided people.

One member of the band, Liam Óg Ó hAnnaidh, has been charged with a terror offence after allegedly displaying a flag in support of proscribed organisation Hezbollah at a London gig.

“The Kneecap phenomenon is real, as is the Derry Girls one,” says Professor Nic Dhábhéid, also referencing the show inspired by the screenwriter Lisa McGee’s upbringing in the city in the 1990s.

Professor Nic Dhábhéid is one of the historians chosen by the UK government to oversee the writing of a “public” history of the Troubles. She cautions that despite the progress made, the old battle of identities is far from finished, citing the tensions caused by Brexit.

“A decade ago, the narrative was one of reconciliation… I’m not convinced that we’re in the reconciliation space right now,” she argues.

Which makes Ed Sheeran’s honest expression of identity all the more moving.

It was not one of aggressive cultural nationalism: he wasn’t talking about what my identity should be, or yours. It was a statement of what he feels.

I am the father of two children who grew up in Britain. I watch them navigate the challenges and opportunities of different and overlapping identities, encouraging them to follow James Joyce’s advice and fly past any barriers others put in their way.

That, for me, is the way to a future without bitterness.

US President Donald Trump had been in office scarcely a week when a new Chinese artificial intelligence (AI) app called DeepSeek jolted Silicon Valley.

Overnight, DeepSeek-R1 shot to the top of the Apple charts as the most downloaded free app in the US.

The firm said at the time its new chatbot rivalled ChatGPT. Not only that. They asserted it had cost a mere fraction to develop.

Those claims – and the app’s sudden surge in popularity – wiped $600bn (£446bn) or 17% off the market value of chip giant Nvidia, marking the largest one-day loss for a single stock in the history of the US stock market.

Several other tech stocks with exposure to AI were caught in the downdraft, too.

DeepSeek also cast doubt on American AI dominance. Up until then, China had been seen as having fallen behind the US. Now, it seemed as though China had catapulted to the forefront.

Venture capitalist Marc Andreessen referred to the arrival of DeepSeek-R1 as “AI’s Sputnik moment,” a reference to the Soviet satellite that had kicked off the space race between the US and the USSR more than a half century earlier.

It has now been six months since DeepSeek stunned the world.

Today, China’s breakthrough app has largely dropped out of the headlines. It’s no longer the hot topic at happy hour here in San Francisco. But DeepSeek hasn’t disappeared.

DeepSeek challenged certain key assumptions about AI that had been championed by American executives like Sam Altman, CEO of ChatGPT-maker OpenAI.

“We were on a path where bigger was considered better,” according to Sid Sheth, CEO of AI chip startup d-Matrix.

Perhaps maxing out on data centres, servers, chips, and the electricity to run it all wasn’t the way forward after all.

Despite DeepSeek ostensibly not having access to the most powerful tech available at the time, Sheth told the BBC that it showed that “with smarter engineering, you actually can build a capable model”.

The surge of interest in DeepSeek took hold over a weekend in late January, before corporate IT personnel could move to stop employees from flocking to it.

When organisations caught on the following Monday, many scrambled to ban workers from using the app as worries set in about whether user data was potentially being shared with the People’s Republic of China, where DeepSeek is based.

But while exact numbers aren’t available, plenty of Americans still use DeepSeek today.

Certain Silicon Valley start-ups have opted to stick with DeepSeek in lieu of more expensive AI models from US firms in a bid to cut down on costs.

One investor told me for cash-strapped firms, funds saved by continuing to use DeepSeek are helping to pay for critical needs such as additional headcount.

They are, however, being careful.

In online forums, users explain how to run DeepSeek-R1 on their own devices rather than online using DeepSeek’s servers in China – a workaround they believe can protect their data from being shared surreptitiously.

“It’s a good way to use the model without being concerned about what it’s exfiltrating” to China, said Christopher Caen, CEO of Mill Pond Research.

DeepSeek’s arrival also marked a turning point in the US-China AI rivalry, some experts say.

“China was seen as playing catch-up in large language models until this point, with competitive models but always trailing the best western ones,” policy analyst Wendy Chang of the Mercator Institute for China Studies told the BBC.

A large language model (LLM) is a reasoning system trained to predict the next word in a given sentence or phrase.

DeepSeek changed perceptions when it claimed to have achieved a leading model for a fraction of the computational resources and costs common among its American counterparts.

OpenAI had spent $5bn (£3.7bn) in 2024 alone. By contrast, DeepSeek researchers said they had developed DeepSeek-R1 – which came out on top of OpenAI’s o1 model across multiple benchmarks – for just $5.6m (£4.2m).

“DeepSeek revealed the competitiveness of China’s AI landscape to the world,” Chang said.

American AI developers have managed to capitalize on this shift.

AI-related deals and other announcements trumpeted by the Trump administration and major American tech companies are often framed as critical to staying ahead of China.

Trump’s AI czar David Sacks noted the technology would have “profound ramifications for both the economy and national security” when the administration unveiled its AI Action Plan last month.

“It’s just very important that America continues to be the dominant power in AI,” Sacks said.

DeepSeek has never managed to quell concerns over the security implications of its Chinese origins.

The US government has been assessing the company’s links to Beijing, as first reported by Reuters in June.

A senior US State Department official told the BBC they understood “DeepSeek has willingly provided, and will likely continue to provide, support to China’s military and intelligence operations”.

DeepSeek did not respond to the BBC’s request for comment but the company’s privacy policy states that its servers are located in the People’s Republic of China.

“When you access our services, your Personal Data may be processed and stored in our servers in the People’s Republic of China,” the policy says. “This may be a direct provision of your Personal Data to us or a transfer that we or a third-party make.”

Earlier this week, OpenAI reignited talk about DeepSeek after releasing a pair of AI models.

These were the first free and open versions – meaning they can be downloaded and modified – released by the American AI giant in five years, well before ChatGPT ushered in the consumer AI era.

“You can draw a straight line from DeepSeek to what OpenAI announced this week,” said d-Matrix’s Sheth.

“DeepSeek proved that smaller, more efficient models could still deliver impressive performance—and that changed the industry’s mindset,” Sheth told the BBC. “What we’re seeing now is the next wave of that thinking: a shift toward right-sized models that are faster, cheaper, and ready to deploy at scale.”

But to others, for the major American players in AI, the old approach appears to be alive and well.

Just days after releasing the free models, OpenAI unveiled GPT-5. In the run-up, the company said it significantly ramped up its computing capacity and AI infrastructure.

A slew of announcements about new data centre clusters needed for AI has come as American tech companies have been competing for top-tier AI talent.

Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg has ploughed billions of dollars to fulfil his AI ambitions, and tried to lure staff from rivals with $100m pay packages.

The fortunes of the tech giants seemed more tethered than ever to their commitment to AI spending, as evidenced by the series of blowout results revealed this past tech earnings season.

Meanwhile, shares of Nvidia, which plunged just after DeepSeek’s arrival, have rebounded – touching new highs that have made it the world’s most valuable company in history.

“The initial narrative has proven a bit of a red herring,” said Mill Pond Research’s Caen.

We are back to a future in which AI will ostensibly depend on more data centres, more chips, and more power.

In other words, DeepSeek’s shake-up of the status quo hasn’t lasted.

And what about DeepSeek itself?

“DeepSeek now faces challenges sustaining its momentum,” said Marina Zhang, an associate professor at the University of Technology Sydney.

That’s due in part to operational setbacks but also to intense competition from companies in the US and China, she said.

Zhang notes that the company’s next product, DeepSeek-R2, has reportedly been delayed. One reason? A shortage of high-end chips.

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Calm in a can. Relaxation after a few sips.

That’s what some drinks companies are promising with beverages formulated specifically to help you chill out.

Lucy and Serena swear by them. They’re good friends who, like many, are juggling careers, the chaos of having small children, trying to stay fit, and everything else in between.

“These drinks aren’t going to get rid of all my worries and anxieties,” Serena says, “but if they give me a little boost – then I’ll take it.”

Lucy finds them really useful too, especially when she’s feeling a bit overwhelmed.

“If I get that low-level panic, then with a drink of Trip or something like it, I can bring it back round.”

But after an advert by one of the industry’s best-known brands was banned for suggesting its drinks helped with stress and anxiety, there have been questions about whether drinks of this kind are quite as effective as they make out.

BBC News has spoken to nutritionists and dietitians who are sceptical the small amounts of supplements the drinks contain could really bring about that sense of zen.

One psychologist has suggested that we might actually “create our own calm” when we set aside time for ourselves with something that feels like a treat.

The “functional beverage” market – that’s drinks with additional health benefits – is booming, with British supermarkets seeing sales jump by 24.5% in the last 12 months, according to one market research firm. Almost 30% of UK households now buy these functional drinks, Worldpanel by Numerator says.

So, what’s actually in them that’s supposed to help you feel more mellow or give your health a boost? Well, that’s where things can get complicated, as each brand takes a different approach.

Along with Trip’s Mindful Blend, other companies like Rheal, Grass&Co, Goodrays and supermarket own-brands, advertise that their drinks contain supplements including:

• Lion’s Mane extract – a type of mushroom found in east Asian countries
• L-theanine – an amino acid found primarily in green and black tea
• Ashwagandha – a herb cultivated in areas of Asia, Africa, and Europe
• Magnesium – a mineral the human body needs to function properly

These supplements are all commonly found in many health and wellbeing products and are associated with enhancing mood, boosting energy, supporting cognition, and helping with stress.

But how robust is the evidence for that? It’s tricky because there are many studies of varying credibility each suggesting different levels of efficacy.

Trip’s advert, which suggested its ingredients were stress and anxiety busters, breached the Advertising Standards Agency’s (ASA) code, with the ASA ruling that Trip’s claims their drinks could “prevent, treat or cure disease” were a step too far.

Trip told BBC News the ruling related to “a single page on the website” and it has made the “changes requested”. It says it’s confident its ingredients permit the use of the word “calm” which is “widely and lawfully used by many brands”.

Dietitian Reema Patel is concerned the amount of supplement in these drinks may not give consumers the emotional balance, feelings of calm, or stress relief that is advertised across the industry. She highlights a growing body of evidence around the funghi Lion’s Mane, but says there are no conclusive findings about whether it can have any impact – as yet.

“The research is still very much in its infancy,” she says. “In one of the more advanced clinical trials, a small number of participants were given 1800mg – that’s at least four times more than what is in some of these drinks.”

Studies suggest women are more likely to consume these kinds of supplements, but they’re not always front and centre in the research.

The lack of research that includes female participants is partly down to menstrual cycles and fluctuating hormones, making it more “complicated to track”, Ms Patel explains.

But these drinks can make a good alternative to drinking alcohol she says, and she has clients who have made the switch from having a wine or a gin and tonic every night to opening a can of one of these drinks to help them unwind.

“I think you can take a lot of the claims with a pinch of salt, but they are definitely giving people that other option.”

Dr Sinead Roberts, a performance nutritionist, says supplements can make a difference, but they tend to work for certain groups of people in specific circumstances – such as high-performing athletes who want that extra edge, or people who are deficient in a certain nutrient – not necessarily for the general population.

If you enjoy the taste, “crack on”, Dr Roberts says, but if you want to reduce stress and anxiety you’re probably best saving your £2 or £3 and putting it towards a “therapy session or a massage at the end of the month”.

“A trace of Lion’s Mane or Ashgawanda in a fizzy drink is not going to make any difference,” she adds.

Emily May, 25, first discovered these drinks at Glastonbury a couple of years ago. She’s not overly bothered about trying to reach a state of zen through them – she just likes the taste.

“I’m ADHD,” Emily says, “so I would definitely need a lot more than one of those drinks to calm me down.”

There is a fine line between advertising that a product will give you a feeling of calm and quiet, and claiming these kinds of drinks will help with mental health problems.

Psychologist Natasha Tiwari says mental health and well-being are “increasingly conflated” in the wellness sector, creating a “toxic mix”.

There can be a positive – yet temporary – change in mood and consumers might feel a buzz, she says, not because of the ingredients necessarily, but because “everything around the experience of the product is real”.

“So you’ve bought a drink which, let’s say, is a little bit pricier than the alternatives in the market. Therefore you make a commitment to sit down quietly and enjoy it nicely,” she says. “You look at the branding – which is lovely and calming – you’re processing your environment in the moment, and then actually what you’re experiencing truly is a calm moment in your otherwise busy day. That’s not fake.”

And it’s that little window of peace that Lucy and Serena yearn for – and for a few minutes a fizzy drink in a can gives them that, whether the science really agrees, or not.

BBC News contacted all the brands mentioned in this article. Grass&Co told us it’s their mission “to deliver high-strength natural adaptogen and vitamin-packed blends formulated by experts… which are supported by approved health claims.”

Film critics have delivered a verdict: the new version of War of the Worlds – which stars Ice Cube as a man who must save humanity from an alien invasion without leaving his desk – is bad.

But how bad? Is it just “the worst possible adaptation of HG Wells’s work”? Is it “one of the worst movies of the decade so far”? Or might it actually be “one of the worst movies ever made”?

When the reviews started coming in this week, the internet soon took delight in the film’s 0% critic score on review aggregator site Rotten Tomatoes.

While some gleefully joined in the mauling, others were attracted to the Prime Video film like moths to a flame.

“I feel like I have to watch this now,” wrote The White Lotus actor Patrick Schwarzenegger, who, as the son of Arnold, has perhaps encountered the odd low-ranking movie.

He’s not the only person to feel the lure of a film with savage reviews – some terrible movies have built cult followings for being so bad they’re good.

Lon Harris, executive producer of the This Week in Startups podcast, stoked the conversation this week when he posted: “Dipping below like 5% on Rotten Tomatoes has basically the same appeal to me as breaking 90%.

“That’s some[thing] I need to experience right there.”

A film with a rock bottom rating is bound to be interesting, Harris tells BBC News.

“A very low score indicates universal agreement. This movie is bad. Now I want to know more… Why does everyone agree? Suddenly, I’m intrigued.

“I watch a lot of movies, there’s so much content coming out, and most of it is bland and forgettable.”

Harris was intrigued enough to watch War of the Worlds, and it duly lived down to his expectations.

“It’s very silly, Ice Cube’s solo performance just reacting to things on his laptop screen verges at times on parody and frequently made me laugh, and there’s a whole subplot involving Amazon drone deliveries that’s so on-the-nose it’s almost unbelievable that they included it,” he says.

It’s not a subtle film. Ice Cube’s government surveillance agent must save both the world and his family from afar, as he watches the alien invasion unfold on his computer screen, a set-up explained by the fact it was made during the pandemic.

It had been sitting on the shelf ever since – until now.

Harris adds: “There’s a charm to watching a movie that’s not slick and polished like most other films you see, where you can sort of see the artists’ hands at work trying their best to cover for their budget issues and production setbacks.

“That’s more interesting than just ‘another alien invasion movie’ to me.”

After its initial battering, one critic has now taken pity on War of the Worlds, having enjoyed watching it.

“Is this movie really that bad?” wrote Entertainment Weekly’s Jordan Hoffman on Thursday.

“The answer is… absolutely not. It’s certainly stupid, but it’s also a great deal of fun.”

That write-up, which concluded that the “movie is a mess, but an uproarious one”, was deemed positive by Rotten Tomatoes so has nudged the film’s Tomatometer score up from 0% to the giddy heights of 4% at the time of writing.

Truly atrocious movies are preferable to those that are simply forgettable, according to Timon Singh, who set up the Bristol Bad Film Club a decade ago.

“I’ve seen films where the shot is not even in focus, the crew are walking into frame, the actor’s wig has fallen off – and it’s still an incredibly entertaining film,” he says.

Blockbusters can be “bloated” and “boring”, he adds, plucking out 2017’s Transformers: The Last Knight as an example.

“In comparison, Samurai Cop is technically a terrible film, but it’s 90 minutes of pure enjoyable terrible acting, awful fight scenes, and once you’ve seen it, you’re never going to forget it.

“Whereas you’ll probably forget Transformers: The Last Knight while you’re watching it.”

Other films to have gained cult followings include 2003’s The Room, once described as “a trash masterpiece” by the Daily Beast.

However, The Room, made by “bad film auteur” Tommy Wiseau, is perversely enjoyable enough to have a relatively respectable 24% on Rotten Tomatoes.

Katharine Coldiron, author of Junk Film: Why Bad Movies Matter, says it’s better to watch a film-maker like Wiseau try hard and fall short, rather than someone going through the motions.

“When a film is earnestly made, and it fails, that’s terrific to watch,” she says.

Her favourite terrible film is 1983’s Staying Alive, the sequel to disco classic Saturday Night Fever, directed by Sylvester Stallone, which was critically panned despite commercial success.

“All but one of the characters is a sociopath, so the movie works on almost no levels. I love to put it on and yell at it.”

Rotten Tomatoes has its own list of the worst films of all time.

It’s skewed to movies from the past 25 years, because those have the most online reviews, and is of course subject to the flaws of the RT scores.

But here are its top five, all of which have 0% critic ratings.

1. Ballistic: Ecks vs Sever (2002)

A cliché-crammed moody action thriller, slated for it script, acting and fight sequences.

Starring: Lucy Liu is unconvincing as a sort-of-superhero and Antonio Banderas is a grizzled ex-FBI agent.

Sample review: “An ungainly mess, submerged in mayhem, occasionally surfacing for cliches.” Roger Ebert

2. One Missed Call (2008)

A insipid and ridiculous (but competent) remake of a Japanese horror film about teenage friends who get voicemail messages sent by their future selves at their moments of death.

Starring: A random assortment including Shannyn Sossamon, who went on to join US band Warpaint; Meagan Good, now actor Jonathan Majors’ wife; comedian Margaret Cho; future Modern Family star Ariel Winter; and Ray Wise from Twin Peaks.

Sample review: “A brow-furrowing blend of child abuse and adult trauma.” New York Times

3. Left Behind (2014)

A mixture of Hallmark-style schmaltz, Biblical-themed supernatural mystery and aeroplane disaster drama. And not in a good way.

Starring: Nicolas Cage stuck in his post-Oscar-winning rut.

Sample review: “Left Behind takes the end of the world and turns it not into a nightmare, but a nice long nap.” Washington Post

4. A Thousand Words (2012)

A motormouth book agent mustn’t speak, otherwise a magical tree will die, and so will he. For some reason.

Starring: Eddie Murphy being over-the-top and underwhelming at the same time.

Sample review: “Remember Eddie Murphy? He used to be hilarious.” Movieline

5. Gotti (2018)

This mob misfire was criticised for, among many other things, its sympathetic portrayal of real-life crime boss John Gotti.

Starring: John Travolta showed he’s no Marlon Brando. His wife Kelly Preston played Gotti’s wife.

Sample review: “I’d rather wake up next to a severed horse head than ever watch Gotti again.” New York Post

Thousands of people gathered in central Dhaka this week celebrating the anniversary of the downfall of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and the promise of a new future for the country.

In the pouring rain, the head of the interim government, Muhammad Yunus, leaders of various political parties and activists stood united as they unveiled plans for a “New Bangladesh”.

Across the country, people waved the national flag in concerts, rallies and special prayer sessions marking what some activists are calling the “second liberation” of this Muslim-majority nation of 170 million people.

But these jubilant scenes did not tell the whole story in the last 12 months.

Rights groups say there have been instances of lynching, mob violence, revenge attacks, and a resurgence of religious extremism which threaten to derail the country’s journey towards democracy.

Meanwhile, the ex-prime minister who was so spectacularly pushed from power watches from the sidelines of exile in neighbouring India, denying her role in the deadly crackdown and refusing to return to face charges that amount to crimes against humanity.

“I think we had a regime change, not a revolution. Fundamentally, misogyny remains intact, male dominance remains unchallenged,” Shireen Huq, a women’s rights activist, tells the BBC.

Ms Huq headed the Women’s Affairs Reform Commission, one of the bodies set up by the interim government to bring social and political changes reflecting the uprising’s goals of democracy and pluralism.

In April this year, the 10-member body submitted its report calling for gender equality – particularly over women’s right to inheritance and to divorce, called for criminalising marital rape and protecting the rights of sex workers, who face abuse and harassment from police and others.

The next month, thousands of Islamist hardliners took to the streets against the proposed recommendations, saying they were anti-Islamic and that “men and women can never be equal”.

The protesters – led by Hefazat-e-Islam, which has a representative on the interim government’s cabinet of advisers – demanded the disbanding of the women’s commission, and its members punished for making those proposals.

Subsequently, no detailed public debate was held on the commission’s proposals.

“I was disappointed that the interim government did not support us enough when we were subjected to lots of abuses by Hefazat-e-Islam,” Ms Huq says.

Yunus’s office did not respond to a request for comment on the allegation.

Activists say the protests were just one example of how the hardliners – who had been pushed to the fringes during Hasina’s tenure – had become emboldened.

They have also objected to girls playing football matches in some parts of the country, women celebrities participating in commercial promotional events, and, in some instances, have harassed women in public places because of how they were dressed.

But it is not just women who have borne the brunt. Hardliners have also vandalised scores of shrines of minorities like the Sufi Muslims in the past year.

But, even as people like Ms Huq look to the future, Bangladesh is still confronting its past.

There’s a groundswell of anger against Hasina’s Awami League-led government, which is accused of unlawful killings, enforced disappearances, and brutal suppression of dissent.

“You have a huge constituency of people in Bangladesh who wanted to see not just accountability but vengeance and retribution,” says David Bergman, a journalist and a long-time Bangladesh watcher.

However, he says, “one can’t continue with the injustices that existed in the Awami League period and just replicate them in the current period”.

But that is what Hasina’s Awami League claims is happening. It says hundreds of its supporters have been lynched over the past year – allegations the interim government denies.

Several journalists and supporters of the Awami League have been jailed for months on murder charges. Their bail applications have been repeatedly rejected by courts.

Critics say there is no thorough investigation over those murder accusations, and they have been kept in detention only because of their previous support for the Awami League.

“It takes time for stability to return after a major uprising. We are in a transitional phase,” acknowledged Nahid Islam, a student leader who helped spearhead the protests and acted as an adviser to the interim government until recently.

Islam agrees there are challenges facing the country, but dismisses concerns of growing Islamist influence, saying it was “part of a broader cultural struggle” that has existed for years.

But there are also signs of progress. Many credit the interim government with stabilising the country’s economy and, contrary to fears, the banking sector has survived.

Bangladesh has met its loan obligations, kept food prices largely stable, and maintained robust foreign exchange reserves – currently at $30bn (£22bn) – thanks to remittances and international loans. Exports have also held steady.

Then there are other, less easily measurable things.

Islam argues that, since the fall of Hasina, “a democratic environment has been established, and now everyone can express their views freely”. That is something to be celebrated in a country shaped by a history of political turbulence, military coups, assassinations, and bitter rivalries.

But that is being questioned by some.

The influence of student leaders over the interim government has drawn criticism. They were given the roles in recognition for their leadership in the unprecedented protests which toppled Hasina.

Today, two remain in the cabinet, and critics say some controversial decisions, such as the temporary ban on the Awami League, were made under student pressure.

“The government has at times complied with some of the populist demands, particularly by the students, fearing more threatening protests could otherwise erupt. However, that was the exception rather than the rule,” Mr Bergman says.

Meanwhile, an exiled leader from the Awami League alleges that the party’s supporters are being silenced by not being allowed to contest the next poll – with most of its leaders in exile or in prison.

“The elections will not be inclusive without the participation of the Awami League,” Mohammad Ali Arafat, former minister in Hasina’s cabinet, tells the BBC.

In its latest report, the Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) said there had been an alarming rise in mob violence while extra-judicial killings and deaths in custody had persisted in the past year.

“We have overthrown an authoritarian regime, but unless we put an end to the authoritarian practices, we cannot really create a new Bangladesh,” Iftekhar Zaman, the executive director of the TIB, said during the launch of the report earlier this week.

As Bangladesh stands at a crossroads, the next six months will be critical.

Some argue that, if there are no meaningful changes to the chequered political system, the sacrifices of those killed in the uprising could be rendered meaningless.

As American as apple pie, Kentucky bourbon was booming after the last Great Recession ended. But as the economy has waned post-Pandemic – and with multiple trade wars on the horizon – the market may be drying up.

Although the whiskey, which is traditionally made with corn and aged in charred oak barrels, has roots going all the way back to the 18th Century, it wasn’t until 1964 that it became an iconic piece of Americana, when Congress passed a law declaring it a “distinctive product of the United States”.

But drinking trends come and go, and by the end of the 20th Century, bourbon was considered a bit old fashioned – pun intended.

“You often see these kind of generational shifts where people don’t want to drink what their parents drink,” said Marten Lodewijks, the US president of IWSR, which collects alcoholic beverage data and provides industry analysis.

Then, as the world recovered from the 2008 recession, drinkers seemed to rediscover this classic spirit, for a few different reasons.

For starters, the price point was good, which made it attractive for bar managers to purchase and incorporate into cocktails and for younger drinkers to sample. Then, in 2013, a law was passed in Kentucky that made it easier for companies to purchase and resell vintage bottles, opening up a high-end collectible market. Add to that the rise in mid-century nostalgia fuelled by shows like Mad Men, and bourbon was due for a full-blown Renaissance.

Sales of bourbon grew by 7% worldwide between 2011-2020, which is more than three times the growth of the decade prior, according to industry data company ISWR.

Soon, some bourbon distillers were becoming quasi-celebrities, and people were starting to buy up bourbon bottles not to drink, but as an investment.

“Everyone was going crazy over the bourbon market, and treating like a commodity, like a stock,” recalls Robin Wynne, a general manager and beverage director for Little Sister in Toronto, Canada, who has been a bar manager for about 25 years.

“People would go in as a prospector, to flip bottles for two to three times the value.”

But like most market bubbles, this one was bound to burst. The pandemic’s lockdowns tanked bar sales, and inflation has made many would-be bourbon drinkers choose less expensive options – or forgo drinking all together. Amongst Gen-Z, many 20-somethings are drinking less than their older siblings and parents did at their age.

Those factors have contributed to declining alcohol sales, with bourbon sales specifically slowing down to just 2% between 2021-2024, according to ISWR data.

President Donald Trump’s global tariffs have been the final straw. The EU has announced retaliatory tariffs against US goods, including Kentucky bourbon and Californian wine, although implementation has been delayed for six months.

Meanwhile, most provinces in Canada have stopped importing American alcoholic beverages in retaliation. The country accounts for about 10% of Kentucky’s $9bn (£6.7bn) whiskey and bourbon business.

“That’s worse than a tariff, because it’s literally taking your sales away, completely removing our products from the shelves … that’s a very disproportionate response,” Lawson Whiting, the CEO of Brown-Forman, which produces Jack Daniels, Woodford Reserve and Old Forester, said back in March when Canadian provinces announced their plan to stop buying US booze.

Trump has said that tariffs will boost made-in-American businesses.

But Republican Senator Rand Paul, who represents Kentucky, said the tariffs will hurt local businesses and consumers in his home state.

“Well, tariffs are taxes, and when you put a tax on a business, it’s always passed through as a cost. So, there will be higher prices,” he told ABC’s “This Week” in May.

These economic pressures have created a growing list of casualties.

Liquor giant Diageo, reported that sales of Bulleit, a Kentucky distillery that makes bourbon, rye and whiskey, where down 7.3% this fiscal year.

Wild Turkey – a Kentucky bourbon owned by Campari – sales were down 8.1% over the past six months.

While big, international brands will likely be able to weather the storm, the sales hit has led to a growing list of casualties.

In July, LMD Holdings filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy – just one month after opening the Luca Mariano Distillery in Danville, Kentucky.

This spring, Garrard County Distilling went into receivership.

And in January, Jack Daniel’s parent company closed a barrel-making plant in Kentucky.

The bottom of the barrel has not yet been reached, warned Mr Lodewijks.

“I’d be extraordinarily surprised if there weren’t more bankruptcies and more consolidation,” he said.

In part, bourbon has become a victim of its own success – the rise in bourbon sales, and the growth of the premium market, helped fuel many small distilleries. Because bourbon must age in barrels for years, what’s on the market today was predicted a few years ago, which means that there is currently an oversupply, which is driving down prices.

But while these economic conditions are harsh, Mr Lodewijks said that history has shown how tough times can create innovation. Scotch whisky used to be fairly simple, a blend of middle-of-the road tipples. But when sales declined in the second part of the 20th century, distillers started aging their excess bottles, which helped create the market we have now for premium, aged Scotch whisky.

In Canada, where bourbon imports have slowed to a trickle, local distilleries have started experimenting with bourbon-making methods to give Canadian whiskey a similar taste.

“The tariff war has really done a positive for the Canadian spirits business,” noted Mr Wynne.

“We’ve got lots of grains to make these whiskeys without having to rely on the States.”

A meteorite that crashed into a home in the US is older than planet Earth, scientists have said.

The object flew through the skies in broad daylight before exploding across the state of Georgia on 26 June, Nasa confirmed.

Researchers at the University of Georgia examined a fragment of the rock that pierced the roof of a home in the city of McDonough.

They found that, based on the type of meteorite, it is expected to have formed 4.56 billion years ago, making it roughly 20 million years older than Earth.

Residents in Georgia and nearby states reported hundreds of sightings and a loud booming noise when the fireball tore through the skies.

The rock quickly diminished in size and speed, but still travelled at least 1 km per second, going through a man’s roof in Henry County.

Multiple fragments that struck the building were handed over to scientists, who analysed their origins.

“This particular meteor that entered the atmosphere has a long history before it made it to the ground of McDonough,” Scott Harris, a geologist at the University of Georgia, said.

Using optical and electron microscopy, Harris and his team determined the rock was a chondrite – the most abundant type of stony meteorite, according to Nasa – which meant that it was approximately 4.56 billion years old.

The home’s resident said he is still finding pieces of space dust around his home from the hit.

The object, which has been named the McDonough meteorite, is the 27th to have been recovered from Georgia.

“This is something that used to be expected once every few decades and not multiple times within 20 years,” Harris said.

“Modern technology, in addition to an attentive public, is going to help us recover more and more meteorites.”

Harris is hoping to publish his findings on the composition and speed of the asteroid, which will help to understand the threat of further asteroids.

“One day there will be an opportunity, and we never know when it’s going to be, for something large to hit and create a catastrophic situation. If we can guard against that, we want to,” he said.

US President Donald Trump has nominated State Department spokeswoman and former Fox News host Tammy Bruce to be the US deputy representative to the United Nations.

In a post on Truth Social, Trump said that Bruce, who has been working at the US State Department since he took office in January, has done a “fantastic job” in the role.

Before joining government, Bruce was a Fox News conservative contributor for more than 20 years, and has authored several books that are critical of liberals, including “Fear Itself: Exposing the Left’s Mind-Killing Agenda”.

It is unclear when she will take over the role if her nomination is confirmed by the Senate.

“I am pleased to announce that I am nominating Tammy Bruce, a Great Patriot, Television Personality and Bestselling Author, as our next Deputy Representative of the United States to the United Nations, with the rank of Ambassador,” Trump wrote in a post on Truth Social on Saturday.

“Since the beginning of my Second Term, Tammy has been serving with distinction as Spokesperson of the State Department, where she did a fantastic job,” he continued, adding that she will represent the US “brilliantly”.

As spokeswoman, Bruce has defended several controversial US foreign policy decisions – ranging from Trump’s immigration crackdown to sending private military contractors to distribute aid in Gaza.

Trump’s nominee for UN ambassador, Mike Waltz, has yet to be confirmed by the Senate.

The current acting ambassador to the UN is Dorothy Shea, a career diplomat who was the deputy ambassador in 2024.

This searing biography of Prince Andrew crackles with scandals about sex and money on almost every page, two subjects that have always caused problems for the royals.

Andrew Lownie’s book, Entitled: The Rise and Fall of the House of York, is an unrelentingly unflattering portrait of Prince Andrew. It depicts him as arrogant, self-seeking and in denial about his links to the sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

The author’s best-selling biographies have a habit of changing the reputation of famous figures, such as establishing the Nazi intrigues around the Duke of Windsor, the former Edward VIII.

Although in the case of Entitled, he hasn’t so much cemented Prince Andrew’s reputation, as put it in concrete boots and thrown it in the river. It is hard to see how he might come back from this.

This account, more than 450 pages, is said to have taken four years to research, involving hundreds of interviews. And for anyone thinking they have heard much of this story before, it is the extra and sometimes unexpected, throwaway details that will make this a fascinating read.

Like comedian Billy Connolly and Sir Elton John being at Prince Andrew’s stag night. Or film maker Woody Allen being at the same dinner with Prince Andrew at Epstein’s house in Manhattan.

This detail tallies with a piece in the New York Times this week that quotes a birthday greeting written by Allen to Epstein, which references “even royalty” being at one of Epstein’s dinners.

To rapidly lose some mid-life weight, when he was going out with a younger woman, the book records that Prince Andrew lived on a crash diet of “stewed prunes for breakfast, raw vegetables for lunch and soup for supper”.

About their academic ability, the book says that Prince Andrew and his former wife Sarah Ferguson passed two O-levels at their respective expensive private schools. Andrew had to re-take exams the following year before going on to take A-levels.

Now in disgrace, Prince Andrew is claimed to spend his time, when not riding or golfing, cooped up watching aviation videos and reading thrillers, with The Talented Mr Ripley said to be his favourite. It is about a con-man taking on the identity of a wealthy playboy.

There are some more gentle anecdotes about him, such as when he was a helicopter pilot and ferried a group of soldiers from a rifle range and decided to put down on the Sandringham estate.

Queen Elizabeth II, who was in residence, was said to have looked at the guns being toted by these unexpected arrivals. “You can put those in there if you like,” she said, pointing to an umbrella stand.

But the biography is much more crowded with anecdotes about his rudeness and his acute lack of self awareness, not to mention a prodigious number of quick-fire affairs.

It is claimed he swore at and insulted staff, bawling someone out as an “imbecile” for not using the Queen Mother’s full title. Protection officers were despatched to collect golf balls and private jets seemed to be hired as casually as an Uber on a night out.

The Paris-based journalist Peter Allen, among the sources for the book, says many of Andrew’s problems reflect on his “flawed character”.

“He’s been afforded every type of privilege, all his life, while displaying very poor judgement and getting into highly compromising situations.”

Known as “Baby Grumpling” in his early years, Andrew was claimed to have moved people from jobs because one was wearing a nylon tie, and another because he had a mole on his face.

Diplomats, whose cause Andrew was meant to be advancing, nicknamed him “His Buffoon Highness” because of all the gaffes.

There are details of his unhappy knack of getting involved with all the wrong people in his money-making ventures, from Libyan gun runners and relations of dictators to a Chinese spy.

“This book appears to seal the fate of Andrew if he was ever hoping to be reinstated officially into the working royals,” says royal commentator Pauline Maclaran.

“The public will be wanting to see some clear action on the King’s part I think – particularly as Andrew’s connections to Epstein are raked over again,” says Prof Maclaran.

If this seems like a torrent of bad news, the book also raises some deeper questions about what lies behind Prince Andrew’s character.

There are suggestions of an often lonely and isolated figure, obsessed with sex but much weaker at relationships. Sources from his time in the navy saw his “bombastic” exterior as concealing a much more vulnerable and socially awkward figure, whose upbringing had made him unsure how to behave.

He showed authentic courage when he flew helicopters in the Falklands war and he was remembered as being willing to “muck in” during that stressful time, when crews were living on canned food rather than fine dining.

On his fascination for sex, an unnamed source claims Andrew lost his virginity at the age of 11, which the same source likens to a form of abuse.

One of his former naval colleagues went from seeing Andrew as “immature, privileged, entitled” to having a more sympathetic view of a character of “loneliness and insecurity”, a public figure who was uncertain about how he fitted in with other people, and had ended up with the “wrong sort of friends”.

Top of that list must be Jeffrey Epstein. Lownie’s book offers meticulous detail of the connections between Prince Andrew and the US financier and sex offender, establishing links that went back to the early 1990s, earlier than had previously been established.

It is also strong on the unbalanced nature of their relationship, with a friend of Andrew’s describing the prince’s dealings with Epstein as “like putting a rattlesnake in an aquarium with a mouse”.

Epstein’s sleazy and abusive world, with its mix of easy money and exploitative sex, was ultimately a form of blackmail operation, claims Lownie’s book. It gave him something to hold over the many powerful people who came into his orbit.

The book is a reminder of the scale and seediness of Epstein’s exploitation of girls. It is also an account of the destruction that followed.

The famous photograph showing Virginia Giuffre with Prince Andrew and Ghislaine Maxwell in London was supposedly taken by Jeffrey Epstein. Prince Andrew is the only one of them not to be either dead or in prison.

And Lownie’s sources cast doubt on whether Epstein did take his own life, questioning the medical evidence and the series of unfortunate gaps in supervision in the jail where he was being held.

After his disastrous BBC Newsnight interview and the court case with Virginia Giuffre – which he settled with a rejection of any wrongdoing – Prince Andrew has been pushed out of public life, no longer a “working royal”.

Historian Ed Owens says it is almost six years since that Newsnight interview, but Prince Andrew is still appearing in news stories “for all the wrong reasons”.

“This isn’t good for the monarchy,” he says, even though “King Charles and Prince William have sought to limit the reputational damage Andrew can have on ‘brand Windsor’,” says Owens.

• What do we know about the Epstein files?
• Prince Andrew to pay own costs or move out of Windsor mansion
• Virginia Giuffre, Prince Andrew and Jeffrey Epstein accuser, dies

Standing loyally beside Prince Andrew has been Sarah Ferguson, who describes their relationship as being “divorced to each other, not from each other”, still living together at Royal Lodge.

The book depicts her as being in an endless loop of binge spending, debt and then convoluted deals, sponsorships and freebies, to try to get her finances on track, before the cycle begins again.

But there is no doubting her remarkable capacity to keep bouncing back and to keep on plugging away, when others would have been down and out years ago.

She has a sense of fun that appeals to people. The book tells how successful she was at boosting sales as an ambassador for Waterford Wedgwood, then owned by Tony O’Reilly. She was described by staff as “brilliant at working a room, fresh, chic and wasn’t stuffy”.

The book is already riding high in the best-seller charts and royal commentator Richard Palmer says it raises difficult topical questions.

“It puts Andrew back at the front and centre of the Jeffrey Epstein scandal at a time when Donald Trump is facing serious questions about his own friendship with the late paedophile,” says Palmer.

“It’s a scandal that just won’t go away for the Royal Family, even though they’ve tried to distance themselves from Andrew,” he says.

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“We are not happy with these men in this hotel because we fear for our children,” Orla Minihane tells me. “If that makes me far-right then so be it.”

Orla has lived near Epping since she was a child and describes herself as a “very boring woman who has worked in the City of London for 25 years”. Last year she joined Reform UK and hopes to stand as a local candidate for the party.

On a busy road leading to the Essex town, The Bell Hotel, now fortified, is one of more than 200 across the country where the government houses asylum seekers.

In the last month a series of protests, sometimes totalling several hundred people from both sides – and on one occasion up to 2,000 according to Essex Police – have taken place over the use of hotels for asylum seekers. About 20 more were planned for Friday and Saturday this week.

The latest round of demonstrations began at the 80-room Bell in July, after a man living in the hotel was arrested, and subsequently charged, with sexual assault, harassment and inciting a girl to engage in sexual activity. Hadush Kebatu, 41, from Ethiopia, has denied the offences and is in custody.

The case has sparked a wider conversation about the effect of housing asylum seekers in hotels in communities across Britain.

“Before there were women and children in the hotel – there was a little bit of crime, most people got on with it,” Orla says. “But now it’s the fact that it’s all men. It’s not a balanced culture.”

The protests have been promoted on social media under red, white and blue banner text with slogans such as “Protect Our Community”, “Safety of Women and Children Before Foreigners” and “All Patriots Welcome”.

We have identified far-right activists at some of the protests and activists who oppose them are watching what is happening closely.

The activist group Stand Up To Racism sees this as far-right organisations “stirring up racist violence” and trying to repeat the violence that flared after the murders of three young girls in Southport.

However, the protests are often organised by people with little experience of street campaigning, including mothers with families and professional careers, like Orla. That they are getting involved suggests that in some communities, with hotels close by, there is a shift in the public mood about Britain’s asylum hotels.

Outside The Bell, which is surrounded by steel fencing and guarded by a 24/7 security team, one of its residents, Wael, from Libya, is a year into his asylum claim and waiting for his fourth Home Office interview.

“I spoke with one of the protesters,” Wael says. “Everything’s good. Epping is nice. We can sit and stay. People respect us.

“I want to learn English and work. In a car wash or something. I will not stay here and take food. I have a dream – to make money and play football and have fun with my time. It’s a small dream.”

Wael is happy to talk, give his name and have his picture taken. But two other young Iraqi Kurds who are staying at The Bell, and allowed to freely come and go, are more cautious and less positive.

They tell me a gang of youths in masks and on motorbikes, has just shouted expletives at them. Shortly afterwards I catch sight of the bikers nearby.

One of the asylum seekers says that living in a hotel room 24 hours a day is messing with his mind. When I ask about their dealings with the Home Office they hurry inside The Bell.

Shortly afterwards a passing driver yells, “Burn it down”.

Last summer in the wake of the Southport murders, that is what some protesters tried to do at other hotels.

This summer, there have been isolated clashes, when activists on each side of the argument, anti-fascists and hard-right, have faced each other, or the police.

Often the migrants have watched from the sidelines, penned up behind the fencing, or filming from upstairs windows.

The police have largely kept control, sometimes facing criticism for their methods, including the false claim that Essex Police used buses to transport pro-migrant activists to a protest in Epping. For now, arrest numbers are way below those in 2024.

I ask Orla, who made an impassioned speech at a recent protest, why she is so aggrieved by the asylum hotel.

She says friends have described their daughters being “grabbed” by young, non-white men in the area. She has seen shoplifting, she says, in the local Marks & Spencer.

“Everyone knows they are asylum seekers,” Orla says, “Epping is very white.”

She adds of the hotel’s occupants: “You know they are coming for freebies and when they come here they abuse the privilege. It’s ridiculous.”

Asylum seekers would say they are seeking protection by coming to the UK, although some are ultimately judged not to be eligible for asylum status.

Last month Stand Up To Racism claimed Orla had shared a stage with an alleged member of a neo-Nazi group at a hotel protest. She told BBC News she had “no idea” who he was, and he says he has since left the group.

Asylum seekers are not normally allowed to work in the UK. Successive governments have judged that paying for their accommodation and food is preferable to allowing them to compete with British workers in the jobs market, offering an incentive to come here.

In June, the government warned some asylum seekers may be illicitly working as food delivery drivers.

Sixteen miles south of Epping, residents in Canary Wharf, east London, live in gleaming glass towers and traditional East End houses alongside another asylum hotel. It is a very different place but many locals share similar opinions.

Asylum seekers recently arrived during the small hours at the wharf-side four-star Britannia International – 610 rooms, but, according to a former staff member, no longer the “luxury hotel” described in some reports. Rumours that they were coming triggered protests by local residents, many of them office workers in the Canary Wharf business district.

Outside the hotel, Chengcheng Cul, who is Chinese, draws a distinction between his “legal migration” to the UK, and “illegal asylum seekers”.

“If people can come over the Channel illegally, and easily, what encourages decent people to come legally, pay their tax, and get involved in this society? Is this setting a good example? This country has opened the border to illegal migrants.”

Lorraine Cavanagh, who works for charities on the Isle of Dogs, echoes the concerns in Epping. “I don’t know who they are.

“They are unidentified men who can walk around and do what they want to do with no consequences,” she says.

That comment, “I don’t know who they are”, lies at the heart of the opposition to asylum seekers in these communities.

It can be very hard to establish basic facts about the young men in the hotels, the system that put them there, or the impact they might have on locals.

While growing in number, asylum seekers who come by small boats across the English Channel are a small proportion of total immigration to the UK, and in 2024, just over a third of all asylum seekers.

The government has contracted out the task of accommodating them to three companies: Serco, Clearsprings and Mears. They buy up rooms in houses and in hotels, usually taking them over completely.

Ministers regularly talk about their ambition to “smash the gangs”, but say less about the hotels. The government won’t confirm where they are because of concerns they might be attacked.

Madeleine Sumption from the Migration Observatory points out there is a problem publishing information about small groups of asylum seekers when it might identify them by age or sex, a long-standing approach for public bodies.

We know how many hotel places are being used in each region – the vast majority are in the south of England. They cost £5.77m a day for the government to provide. The estimated cost over the decade to 2029 has spiralled from £4.5bn in 2019 to £15.3bn.

But there are no specific figures for the age and sex of hotel occupants, no details about their countries of origin, or their claim for sanctuary in the UK.

So when local communities allege crime rates go up when asylum hotels are opened, or raise fears about the hotels being full of only single adult males, it is often impossible to prove the point either way.

There were 35 sexual and violent offences reported in Epping town in May. In the same month, the year before, when there were no asylum seekers at The Bell, 28 sexual and violent offences were reported. In May 2023, the hotel was being used by the Home Office for migrant families. The number of reported offences was 32.

But how many of these offences involved asylum seekers? The police do not publish statistics about exactly where crimes happen or who is reported to have committed them.

So in many ways, we don’t know “who they are”.

Orla believes more information would help reduce tension and is furious at the government’s handling of the asylum system.

“If you conceal the truth and you act as if you are hiding something, people are going to be angry,” she says. “If they said there are 70 in the Bell Hotel, five are from Sudan, five from somewhere else, I think most people would feel better.”

Epping Forest District Council’s Conservative Leader, Chris Whitbread recently said that “it is important to be transparent” about asylum hotel information.

In a recent report, the Independent Chief Inspector of Borders and Immigration, David Bolt, criticised how the Home Office deals with asylum hotels. “It is clear that the Home Office still has a long way to go to build trust and confidence in its willingness to be open and honest about its intentions and performance,” he wrote.

The Home Office says it removed 6,000 people from hotels in early 2025 and has already closed 200 hotels. In its manifesto, Labour pledges to close them all by the next election.

On the other side of the political divide from the anti-migrant campaigners, in north London outside a meeting “to organise against the right wing”, Sabby Dhalu from the protest group Stand Up To Racism wants the government to work more closely with councils so that their residents are better informed.

This should include “explaining why these people are here, where they come from, what’s happening in those countries,” she says. “That they’re in the process of seeking asylum and going through the application process. Settling them in with the community.”

“I think you’ve got far right organisations that are determined to repeat the events of last year,” she added.

“And because for their own cynical reasons, they want to stir up racist violence, and in order to build their own political organisations.”

That said, she feels that voices on the right are “whipping up” and weaponising a wider feeling of discontent among the public over Labour’s cuts to public spending, and that the government is “making silly concessions” to the right in doing so.

Stopping the boats is a challenge which haunts the government, as it did the Conservatives. The Home Office has managed to cut the asylum claim backlog, currently standing at 79,000, but the claimants keep coming and the cost of accommodation is soaring. There is a feeling the government is struggling to cope and ignoring the views of communities.

Many are in agreement that having more than 200 hotels, full of asylum seekers often waiting for lengthy periods for decisions on their applications, is not a sustainable situation.

Whether or not the current protests continue, the government will have to find a solution.

Jen Pawol has made US sporting history by becoming the first female umpire to referee a Major League Baseball (MLB) game during the regular season.

Pawol, 48, oversaw first base during Saturday’s game between the Miami Marlins and Atlanta Braves.

“I’m aware of the gravity. I’m aware of the magnitude,” she said, as quoted by MLB.com.

Pawol looked overjoyed as she was welcomed to the pitch in Atlanta, Georgia, by cheers and a standing ovation.

“It was pretty amazing when we took the field, and it seemed like quite a few people started clapping and saying my name, so that was pretty intense and very emotional,” she said after the game.

During the match, supporters in the stands held signs, including “Pawol making HERstory,” and “the time has come for one & all to play ball”.

To mark the occasion, after the game Pawol donated the hat she wore to the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum.

Pawol is set to return to the field on Saturday night, when she will be responsible for third base.

All eyes will be on her on Sunday, when she stands behind home plate, calling balls and strikes, in the final match of the three-game series.

Pawol, a native of New Jersey, has worked for years as an umpire in the minor leagues and has overseen more than 1,200 games in her more than 30-year career, MLB reported.

In the stands to support her were a bevy of some 30 family and friends, including current players, managers and umpires.

Her entry into MLB comes 28 years after the NBA allowed its first female basketball referee. The National Football League (NFL) hired its first female official 10 years ago, while men’s soccer World Cup hired a female referee three years ago.

The National Hockey League has yet to see a female referee.

President Vladimir Putin has presented US President Donald Trump’s special envoy with an award to pass on to a senior CIA official whose son was killed fighting with Russia in Ukraine.

Putin gave the Order of Lenin to Steve Witkoff during his trip to Moscow this week to discuss a plan to end the Ukraine war, sources familiar with the matter told the BBC’s US partner CBS.

Michael Gloss, 21, who was killed in Ukraine last year, was the son of Juliane Gallina, who is the CIA’s deputy director for digital innovation.

Reports of the award emerged as it was confirmed that Trump and Putin will meet in Alaska next Friday to discuss the future of the war in Ukraine.

Neither the Kremlin nor Russian foreign ministry has publicly acknowledged posthumously bestowing the Order of Lenin, a Soviet-era award recognising outstanding civilian service, on Gloss.

It is unclear what was done with the award. The White House, the CIA and Witkoff did not respond to requests for comment.

Gloss’ death first emerged in Russian media reports in April.

A CIA statement later that month said Gloss had been suffering from mental health problems, adding that his death was not a national security issue.

Gloss was never an employee of the CIA, a person familiar with the matter told CBS.

Sources also told CBS that the Kremlin did not initially appear to be aware of the family background of Gloss, who enlisted with Russian forces in autumn 2023.

Gloss had shared selfies in Moscow’s Red Square on social media last year. His posts had expressed support for Russia in what he called “the Ukraine Proxy war” and dismissed media coverage of the conflict as “western propaganda”.

An obituary for Gloss published in November 2024 said he was “killed in Eastern Europe” on 4 April that year.

The CIA’s statement about his death four months ago said that Ms Gallina and her family had suffered “an unimaginable personal tragedy”.

Gloss’s father, Iraq war veteran Larry Gloss, told the Washington Post in an interview this April that their son had struggled for most of his life with mental illness.

“Our biggest fear while we were waiting for him to be repatriated was that someone over there [in Moscow] would put two and two together and figure out who his mother was, and use him as a prop,” Larry Gloss said.

South Korea’s military says North Korea has begun removing some of the loudspeakers used to broadcast propaganda across the border between the two countries.

North Korea’s move appears to be a positive reaction to the overtures from newly elected South Korean President Lee Jae Myung, who had campaigned on improving inter-Korean ties.

South Korea dismantled some of its own loudspeakers earlier this week. It had halted broadcasts along the demilitarised zone shortly after Lee took office in June – prompting a similar response from its neighbour.

South Korean broadcasts had often featured K-pop songs and news reports while the North played unsettling noises, such as howling animals.

In a statement on Saturday, South Korea’s military said it had “detected North Korean troops dismantling propaganda loudspeakers in some parts along the front line from this morning”.

It added: “It remains to be confirmed whether the devices have been removed across all regions, and the military will continue to monitor related activities.”

The speaker broadcasts had been suspended on previous occasions. But after a six-year pause, they resumed in June 2024 in response to Pyongyang’s campaign of sending rubbish-filled balloons to the South.

Residents living along the border had complained that their lives have been blighted by noise coming from both sides, sometimes in the middle of the night.

Seoul claimed the broadcasts could be heard as much as 10km (six miles) across the border in the day and up to 24km (15 miles) at night.

But speaking after South Korea suspended its broadcasts in June, organisations advocating to improve the human rights of North Koreans criticised the move.

Ties between North and South Korea had deteriorated under President Yoon Suk Yeol, who was more hawkish towards Pyongyang.

Yoon was impeached and removed from his post for briefly placing South Korea under martial law in December, citing supposed threats from anti-state forces and North Korea sympathisers.

Reuniting with the South had always been a key, if increasingly unrealistic, part of the North’s ideology since the inception of the state – until its current leader, Kim Jong Un, abandoned the idea in 2024.

Both countries are technically still at war since the Korean War ended in 1953 without a peace treaty.

US President Donald Trump has said homeless people must “move out” of Washington DC as he vowed to tackle crime in the city, but the mayor pushed back against the White House likening the capital to Baghdad.

“We will give you places to stay, but FAR from the Capital,” he posted on Sunday. The Republican president also trailed a news conference for Monday about his plan to make the city “safer and more beautiful than it ever was before”.

Mayor Muriel Bowser, a Democrat, said: “We are not experiencing a crime spike.”

Trump signed an order last month making it easier to arrest homeless people, and he last week ordered federal law enforcement into the streets of Washington DC.

“The Homeless have to move out, IMMEDIATELY,” Trump wrote on his social media site Truth Social on Sunday.

“We will give you places to stay, but FAR from the Capital. The Criminals, you don’t have to move out. We’re going to put you in jail where you belong.”

Alongside photos of tents and rubbish, he added: “There will be no ‘MR. NICE GUY.’ We want our Capital BACK. Thank you for your attention to this matter!”

The specifics of the president’s plan are not yet clear, but in a 2022 speech he proposed moving homeless people to “high quality” tents on inexpensive land outside cities, while providing access to bathrooms and medical professionals.

On Friday, Trump ordered federal agents – including from US Park Police, the Drug Enforcement Administration, the FBI and the US Marshals Service – into Washington DC to curb what he called “totally out of control” levels of crime.

A White House official told National Public Radio that up to 450 federal officers were deployed on Saturday night.

The move comes after a 19-year-old former employee of the Department of Government Efficiency (Doge) was assaulted in an alleged attempted carjacking in Washington DC.

Trump vented about that incident on social media, posting a photo of the bloodied victim.

Mayor Bowser told MSNBC on Sunday: “It is true that we had a terrible spike in crime in 2023, but this is not 2023.

“We have spent over the last two years driving down violent crime in this city, driving it down to a 30-year low.”

She criticised White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller for dubbing the US capital “more violent than Baghdad”.

“Any comparison to a war-torn country is hyperbolic and false,” Bowser said.

Washington DC’s homicide rate remains relatively high per capita compared to other US cities, with a total of 98 such killings recorded so far this year. Homicides have been trending higher in the US capital from a decade ago.

But federal data from January suggests that Washington DC last year recorded its lowest overall violent crime figures – once carjacking, assault and robberies are incorporated – in 30 years.

Trump has said there will be a news conference at the White House on Monday to outline their plans to stop violent crime in the US capital.

In another post on Sunday he said the event at 10:00 EDT (14:00 GMT) would address ending “crime, murder and death” in the city, as well as its “physical renovation”.

He described Bowser as “a good person who has tried”, adding that despite her efforts crime continues to get “worse” and the city becomes “dirtier and less attractive”.

Community Partnership, an organisation that works to reduce homelessness in Washington DC, told Reuters news agency that the city of 700,000 residents had about 3,782 people homeless on any given night.

Most were in public housing or emergency shelters, but about 800 were considered “on the street”.

As a district, rather than a state, Washington DC is overseen by the federal government, which has the power to override some local laws.

The president controls federal land and buildings in the city, although he would need Congress to assume federal control of the district.

In recent days, he has threatened to take over the Washington DC Metropolitan Police Department, which Bowser argued was not possible.

“There are very specific things in our law that would allow the president to have more control over our police department,” Bowser said. “None of those conditions exist in our city right now.”

UN ambassadors have condemned Israel’s plans to “take control” of Gaza City as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu insisted it was the “best way” to end the war.

During a press conference, which Netanyahu said was intended to “puncture the lies”, the Israeli leader said the planned offensive would move “fairly quickly” and would “free Gaza from Hamas”.

He also claimed Israeli hostages held in Gaza were “the only ones being deliberately starved” and denied Israel was starving Gazans.

Meanwhile, Israel came under heavy criticism at an emergency meeting of the United Nations (UN) Security Council, with the UK, France and others warning the plan risked “violating international humanitarian law”.

Along with Denmark, Greece and Slovenia, they called for the plan to be reversed, adding it would “do nothing to secure the return of hostages and risks further endangering their lives”.

Other council members expressed similar alarm. China called the “collective punishment” of people in Gaza unacceptable, while Russia warned against a “reckless intensification of hostilities”.

UN Assistant Secretary General Miroslav Jenca told the meeting: “If these plans are implemented, they will likely trigger another calamity in Gaza, reverberating across the region and causing further forced displacement, killings, and destruction.”

Ramesh Rajasingham from the UN’s humanitarian office said the hunger crisis in Gaza was no longer looming, adding that “this is starvation, pure and simple”.

But the United States defended Israel, with Ambassador Dorothy Shea telling the meeting the US had been working “tirelessly” to free hostages and end the war, and the meeting undermined those efforts.

She added the war “could end today if Hamas let the hostages go”, and accused other members of taking advantage of the meeting to “accuse Israel of genocide”, an allegation she insisted was “demonstrably false”.

Later on Sunday, Netanyahu’s office said he had spoken with US President Donald Trump about Israel’s plans.

Thousands of protesters have also taken to the streets across Israel to oppose the government’s plan, fearing it puts the lives of hostages at risk.

In his press conference, Netanyahu said the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) had been instructed to dismantle the “two remaining Hamas strongholds” in Gaza City and a central area around al-Mawasi.

He also outlined a three-step plan to increase aid in Gaza, including designating safe corridors for humanitarian aid distribution as well as more air drops by Israeli forces and other partners.

He said the plan would also include increasing the number of safe distribution points managed by the controversial US and Israeli-backed Gazan Humanitarian Foundation (GHF).

The UN reported earlier this month that 1,373 Palestinians had been killed seeking food since late May, when GHF set up aid distribution sites.

Netanyahu claimed Hamas had “violently looted the aid trucks”, and, when asked about Palestinians killed at GHF sites, said “a lot of firing was done by Hamas”.

When asked about the remaining Israeli hostages in Gaza – 20 of whom are still thought to be alive – Netanyahu said “if we don’t do anything, we are not going to get them out”.

The Israeli leader also took aim at the international press, saying it had bought into Hamas propaganda. He labelled some of the photos of malnourished children in Gaza that have run on newspaper front pages across the world as “fake”.

Throughout the war, Israel has not allowed international journalists into Gaza to report freely. But Netanyahu said a directive telling the military to bring in foreign journalists had been in place for two days.

Since Saturday, five people have died as a result of starvation and malnutrition in Gaza, bringing the total number to 217 deaths, according to the Hamas-run health ministry.

It also said that in total more than 61,000 people have been killed as a result of Israel’s military campaign since 2023.

Israel launched its offensive in response to the Hamas-led attack on southern Israel on 7 October that year, in which about 1,200 people were killed and 251 others were taken hostage.

In the past, figures from the Hamas-run health ministry were widely used in times of conflict and seen as reliable by the UN and other international organisations.

Meir Simcha agreed to talk, but he wanted to do it somewhere special, because for him, this is a special time. In a place where nation, religion and war are linked inextricably with politics and the possession of land, Simcha chose a patch of shade under a fig tree next to a spring of fresh water.

From his dusty car, a small Toyota fitted with off road tyres, he produced a bottle of juice made from fruit and vegetables.

“Don’t worry, there’s no extra sugar,” he said as he poured it into plastic cups.

Simcha is the leader of a group of Jewish settlers steadily transforming a big stretch of the rolling terrain south of Hebron in the West Bank, which Israel has occupied since it was captured in the 1967 Middle East war.

He moved two large flat stones into the shade as seats, and we sat down in a patch of lush grass, kept alive in the harsh summer heat by water dripping from a pipe coming out of the spring. It was a small oasis at the foot of a steep, arid, rocky slope and the location, if not our conversation, felt peaceful in a way that the West Bank rarely does these days.

The conflict between Arabs and Jews for control of the land between the River Jordan and the Mediterranean Sea started well over a century ago when Zionists from Europe began to buy land to set up communities in Palestine.

It has been shaped by significant turning points.

The latest has come from the deadly 7 October 2023 attacks by Hamas and Israel’s devastating response.

The consequences of the last 22 months of war, and however more months are left before a ceasefire, threaten to spread across years and generations, just like the Middle East war in 1967, when Israel captured Gaza from Egypt and East Jerusalem and the West Bank from Jordan.

The scale of destruction and killing in the Gaza war obscures what is happening in the West Bank, which smoulders with tension and violence.

Since October 2023, Israel’s pressure on West Bank Palestinians has increased sharply, justified as legitimate security measures.

Evidence based on statements by ministers, influential local leaders like Simcha and accounts by witnesses on the ground reveal that the pressure is part of a wider agenda, to accelerate the spread of Jewish settlements in the occupied territories and to extinguish any lingering hopes of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel.

Palestinians and human rights groups also accuse the Israeli security forces of failing in their legal duty as occupiers to protect Palestinians as well as their own citizens – not just turning a blind eye to settler attacks, but even joining in.

Violence by ultra-nationalist Jewish settlers in the West Bank has risen sharply since 7 October 2023.

Ocha, the UN’s humanitarian office, estimates an average of four settler attacks every day.

The International Court of Justice has issued an advisory opinion that the entire occupation of Palestinian territory captured in 1967 is illegal.

Israel’s rejects the ICJ’s view and claims that the Geneva Conventions forbidding settlement in occupied territories do not apply – a view disputed by many of its own allies as well as international lawyers.

In the shade of the fig tree, Simcha denied all suggestions he had attacked Palestinians, as he celebrated the fact that most of the Arab farmers who used to graze their animals on the hills he has seized and tend their olives in the valleys had gone.

He looks back to the Hamas October attacks, and Israel’s response ever since, as a turning point.

“I think that a lot has changed, that the enemy in our land lost hope. He’s beginning to understand that he’s on his way out; that’s what has changed in the last year or year and a half.

“Today you can walk around here in the land in the desert, and nobody will jump on you and try to kill you. There are still attempts to oppose our presence here in this land, but the enemy is starting to understand this slowly. They have no future here.

“The reality has changed. I ask you and the people of the world, why are you so interested in those Palestinians so much? Why do you care about them? It’s just another small nation.

“The Palestinians don’t interest me. I care about my people.”

Simcha says the Palestinians who left villages and farms near the hilltops he has claimed simply realised that God intended the land for Jews, not for them.

On 24 July this year, a panel of UN experts came to a different conclusion. A statement issued by the office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights said: “We are deeply troubled by alleged widespread intimidation, violence, land dispossession, destruction of livelihoods and the resulting forcible displacement of communities, and we fear this is severing Palestinians from their land and undermining their food security.

“The alleged acts of violence, destruction of property, and denial of access to land and resources appear to constitute a systemic pattern of human rights violations.”

Simcha has a plan to dig a swimming pool at the base of the spring where we sat to talk. Like many others who are leading the expansion of Jewish settlements in the West Bank, he is full of plans. When I met him first, not long after Hamas burst through Israel’s border defences on 7 October 2023, he lived in a small group of isolated caravans on a hilltop overlooking the Judean desert as it sweeps down to the Dead Sea.

Since then, Simcha says his community has expanded into around 200 people on three hilltops. He was part of the faction of the settler movement known as hilltop youth, a radical fringe that became notorious for the violent harassment of Palestinians. Most Israelis who have settled in the occupied territories are not like Simcha. They went there not for ideological and religious reasons, but because property was cheaper.

But now men like Simcha are at the centre of events, with their leaders in the cabinet, leading the charge, married, older, thinking not just about swimming pools for their children but of victory over the Palestinians, once and for all, and everlasting Jewish possession of the land.

Simcha comes across as a happy man. He believes his mission – to implement the will of God by turning the West Bank into a land for Jews, and not for Palestinians – is progressing nicely.

Israel’s project to settle Jewish citizens in the newly occupied territories started within days of its victory in 1967. Over the last almost 60 years, successive Israeli governments and some wealthy sympathisers have invested vast amounts of money and energy to get to the point where around 700,000 Israeli Jews live in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem.

I have been watching the settlements grow for about half of the lifetime of the project, since I first reported from the occupied Palestinian territories in 1991. In that time, the terrain of much of the West Bank has been transformed. The bigger settlements look like small towns, and the West Bank is carved into sections by a network of roads and tunnels built by Israel that are as much about staking an immovable claim to the land as they are about traffic management.

On remote hilltops at night, you can see the lights coming from the caravans of settlers who see themselves as Jewish pioneers. Olive groves, orchards and vineyards owned by Palestinian farmers along the road network are often overgrown, sometimes dotted with piles of rubble left from buildings Israel has demolished.

Controlling the land around the roads is necessary, Israel says, to stop attacks on Jews in the West Bank.

Farmers in areas under settler pressure often need military permission to visit their land, sometimes just once a year.

Palestinian farmers going about their business in vans or on donkeys used to be a common sight. In many parts of the West Bank, you just do not see them anymore, especially in places like the settlements east of Shiloh on the road to Nablus, where small groups of shacks and caravans on hilltops have connected up into sprawling residential hubs linked by sinuous road networks.

When first I reported on settlements, Israeli leaders would often say that national security depended on them. Enemies lurked across the Jordan valley, and pushing out the frontier, building the land, was a Zionist imperative.

Just like the kibbutz movement of collective farms in the 1920s and 1930s inside present-day Israel, settlements in the occupied territories after 1967 were strategically placed as a first line of defence.

In this conflict, land is a vital commodity.

Trading land taken by Israel in 1967 for peace with Palestinians who wanted it for a state was at the heart of the Oslo peace process that ended in violence but provided a false dawn of hope in the 1990s.

There were headlines around the world when, after months of secret negotiations in Norway in 1993, there was a handshake on the White House lawn between Israel’s Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and the Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. They had signed a declaration of principles that was hoped would lead to the end of the conflict. Israel would relinquish occupied land to Palestinians. In return, they would drop their claim to territory they had lost when Israel declared independence in 1948.

The argument at the heart of their conflict across the 20th Century, about who controlled land they both wanted, would be solved by splitting it.

After a final disastrous summit at Camp David in 2000, the hopes of 1993 were replaced by the deadly violence of a Palestinian uprising and a massive military response from Israel.

Part of the reason why the peace process failed was that other forces, outside the talks, were at work.

Hamas never dropped its belief that the entire land of Palestine was an Islamic possession and used suicide attacks to discredit the notion that peace was possible.

Among religious Zionists in Israel, the victory in 1967 had supercharged a wave of messianism – the belief that a divine being was coming who would redeem the Jewish people.

It electrified the settler movement.

Rabin was assassinated in November 1995 by a Jewish extremist brought up in Herzliya on the Mediterranean coast who spent weekends at settlements in the West Bank. During his first interrogation by the Israeli security service, Shin Bet, he asked for a drink so he could toast the fact that he had saved the Jewish people from a disastrous path that denied the will of God.

Today, the messianic idea grips settlers like Simcha more powerfully than ever.

They believe the victory in 1967 was a miracle granted by God, that restored to the Jewish people the ancestral lands that he had given them in the mountain heartland of Judea and Samaria – the area that much of the rest of the world calls the West Bank. Some believe events since 7 October have extended the miracle.

Last summer, the Minister for Settlements and National Missions, Orit Strock, put it like this to a sympathetic audience at an outpost in the Hebron hills, the area where Simcha operates.

“From my point of view, this is like a miracle period,” she said. “I feel like someone standing at a traffic light, and then it turns green.”

Minisyer Strock was speaking a few days before the ICJ issued its opinion.

She made her remarks at a settlement in the Hebron hills that the government had just “legalised”.

Israeli law distinguishes between “legal” settlements and “illegal” outposts – a distinction that is in practice being blurred by the government’s actions.

Outposts rebranded as “young settlements” are being retrospectively legalised as the government directs funds towards them.

At a ceremony in one of them in the south Hebron Hills in April this year, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, whose powers over the running of the occupation also make him something like the governor of the West Bank, donated 19 all-terrain vehicles to the settlers. He praised them for “grabbing massive territories”.

A sharp-eyed reporter at the Times of Israel pointed out that one of the settlers at the ceremony, Yinon Levi, had been filmed harassing Palestinians from an all-terrain vehicle. Levi is sanctioned by the UK and the European Union for using violence to drive Palestinians off their land, though President Trump lifted similar sanctions imposed by Joe Biden.

Levi is radical settler royalty, married to the daughter of Noam Federman – a notorious extremist. Federman is a former leader of the Kach party, which is designated as a terrorist organisation by Israel, the US, the European Union and others.

On 28 July this year, Yinon Levi fired a bullet that killed Odeh Hathaleen, a Palestinian activist and journalist, during a disturbance in the West Bank village of Umm al-Khair. Levi pleaded self-defence and was released after three days of house arrest.

When we went to Umm al-Khair, Hathaleen’s dried blood was still at the place where he was killed.

His brother, Khalil, told me the dead man was holding his five-year-old son, Watan, and filming the violent scenes on his phone when he was killed.

The settlement movement in the West Bank has powered ahead since 7 October, under the direction of hardline Jewish nationalists in the cabinet, men like Itamar Ben Gvir, the national security minister, and Bezalel Smotrich, who is Strock’s leader in the Religious Zionist Party.

Ben Gvir was not drafted by the IDF when he turned 18, because of his extreme beliefs. He claims he campaigned to serve.

The two ministers are very different people to the secular politicians – retired generals like Yigal Allon from the Israeli left and Ariel Sharon from the right – two men who drove the settlement movement forward in its first two decades after 1967.

Just like Allon and Sharon, they believe that security requires power.

But for Smotrich, Ben Gvir and their followers, that is underpinned by the certainty of religious belief.

The influence they have acquired in return for supporting Netanyahu and keeping him in power continues to frustrate and enrage secular Israel.

Smotrich’s Israeli opponents use the word “messianic” as term of abuse when they talk about him.

Allon and Sharon could be ruthless. After the 1967 war, Allon advocated the annexation of large parts of the West Bank and the Jordan Valley. Neither man believed they were doing the will of God.

Hamas uses religion to justify its violent opposition to the existence of Israel. Religious Zionists in the settler movement believe they are doing God’s will.

Belief in a direct connection with God does not guarantee war. But it makes the compromises necessary for peace hard to achieve.

We arranged to meet Yehuda Shaul at the road junction next to Sinjel. He is one of Israel’s most prominent opponents of the occupation.

Shaul founded an organisation called Breaking the Silence after, as a soldier, he saw first-hand the inherently brutal realities of a military occupation that has lasted almost 60 years.

Fellow Israelis have branded supporters of Breaking the Silence, which he no longer leads, as traitors many times.

Israeli military crackdowns since the October attacks have reduced Palestinian violence against settlers, while settler attacks on Palestinians have grown sharply.

Shaul says that the line between settlers and the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) has become blurred.

The war in Gaza has required the longest mobilisation of military reservists – the backbone of the IDF – in Israel’s history. To get more Israelis into uniform, brigades in the West Bank have formed regional defence units made up of settlers.

“Now the settlers are the military. In the military are the settlers. So that settler on the hilltop nearby a Palestinian herding community that was beating them up and throwing stones for the past two three or four years, trying to get him out, now is the soldier or the officer in uniform with a gun responsible for the area.

“So when he comes to a Palestinian and says, ‘you have 24 hours to pack up and leave or I’m going to shoot you,’ the Palestinian knows there is nothing to protect him.”

Shaul believes Israel has two choices left. One direction, he argues, is “the vector that this government is writing, displacement, abuse, killing, destroying Palestinian life, ultimately, writing a vector to mass population transfer”.

“Or, it is two states where Palestine resides besides Israel and both peoples here have rights and dignity. These are the only two options in our cards. Now you and anyone who watches us, need to choose which one you support.”

He uses language about Netanyahu’s conduct of the Gaza war since 7 October that is rare in Israel but common among Palestinians and increasingly heard among Israel’s critics in Europe.

This is part of our conversation, in the shadow of the steel and razor wire between the village of Sinjel and Road 60 – the West Bank’s main highway.

He says: “I think while we see a war of extermination in Gaza… we see a massive campaign by the state and the settlers… to basically ethnically cleanse as much land of the West Bank from Palestinians.”

I reply: “Of course, if Netanyahu was here, any of his supporters, they’d say, ‘what a load of rubbish. This is about Israeli security against terrorism and attacks on Jews.’ What do you make of that?”

He responds: “I actually believe that if 7 October taught us one thing it is, if you really care about protecting Israelis and Palestinian life, you need to take care of the root causes of the violence: decades of brutal military occupation, displacement of Palestinians and a conflict that is going on for about 100 years.

“Ultimately, the security protection, the sustainability of Jewish self-determination in this land, is interlinked and intertwined with achieving self-determination rights and equality for Palestinians.”

Four Al Jazeera journalists have been killed in an Israeli strike near Gaza City’s Al-Shifa Hospital, the broadcaster has said.

Correspondents Anas al-Sharif and Mohammed Qreiqeh and cameramen Ibrahim Zaher and Mohammed Noufal were in a tent for journalists at the hospital’s main gate when it was targeted, Al Jazeera reported.

A fortnight ago, it condemned the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) for what it called a “campaign of incitement” against its reporters in Gaza, including al-Sharif.

Shortly after the strike, the IDF confirmed that it had struck Anas al-Sharif, posting on Telegram that he had “served as the head of a terrorist cell in Hamas”.

The IDF did not mention any of the other journalists who were killed. The BBC has contacted Al Jazeera for comment.

Al-Sharif, 28, appeared to be posting on X in the moments before his death, warning of intense Israeli bombardment within Gaza City.

A post which was published after he was reported to have died appears to have been pre-written and published by a friend.

In two graphic videos of the aftermath of the strike, which have been confirmed by BBC Verify, men can be seen carrying the bodies of those who were killed. Some shout out Mohammed Qreiqeh’s name, and a man wearing a press vest says that one of the bodies is that of Anas Al-Sharif.

In July, the Al Jazeera Media Network issued a statement denouncing “relentless efforts” by the IDF for an “ongoing campaign of incitement targeting Al Jazeera’s correspondents and journalists in the Gaza Strip”.

“The Network considers this incitement a dangerous attempt to justify the targeting of its journalists in the field,” it added.

The IDF statement accused al-Sharif of posing as a journalist, and being “responsible for advancing rocket attacks against Israeli civilians and IDF troops”

It said it had previously “disclosed intelligence” confirming his military affiliation, which included “lists of terrorist training courses”.

“Prior to the strike, steps were taken to mitigate harm to civilians, including the use of precise munition, aerial surveillance, and additional intelligence,” the statement added.

According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, 186 journalists have been confirmed killed since the start of Israel’s military offensive in Gaza in October 2023.

“Brazen! It is brazen!” Prof Paul Sereno says down the phone line from Chicago.

He makes no effort to disguise his anger that a rare meteorite from Mars discovered two years ago in the West African nation of Niger ended up being auctioned off in New York last month to an unnamed buyer.

The palaeontologist, who has close connections with the country, believes it should be back in Niger.

This millions-of-years-old piece of the Red Planet, the largest ever found on Earth, fetched $4.3m (£3.2m) at Sotheby’s. Like the buyer, the seller was kept anonymous.

But it is unclear if any of this money went to Niger.

Fragments of extraterrestrial material that have made their way to Earth have long inspired reverence among humans – some ending up as religious objects, others as curiosities for display. More recently, many have become the subject of scientific study.

The trade in meteorites has been compared to the art market, with aesthetics and rarity affecting the price.

At first, there was a sense of awe surrounding the public display of this extraordinary Martian find – less than 400 of the 50,000 meteorites discovered have been shown to come from our planetary neighbour.

The photographs taken at Sotheby’s of the 24.7kg (54lb) rock – appearing in the lights to glow silver and red – compounded this feeling.

But then some people started asking questions about how it ended up under the auctioneer’s hammer.

Not least the government of Niger itself, which, in a statement, “expressed doubts about the legality of its export, raising concerns about possible illicit international trafficking”.

Sotheby’s strongly disputes this, saying the correct procedures were followed, but Niger has now launched an investigation into the circumstances of the discovery and sale of the meteorite, which has been given the scientific and unromantic name NWA 16788 (NWA standing for north-west Africa).

Little has been made public about how it ended up at a world-renowned auction house in the US.

An Italian academic article published last year said that it was found on 16 November 2023 in the Sahara Desert in Niger’s Agadez region, 90km (56 miles) to the west of the Chirfa Oasis, by “a meteorite hunter, whose identity remained undisclosed”.

Meteorites can fall anywhere on Earth, but because of the favourable climate for preservation and the lack of human disturbance, the Sahara has become a prime spot for their discovery. People scour the inhospitable landscape stretching across several countries in the hope of finding one to sell on.

According to the Italian article, NWA 16788, was “sold by the local community to an international dealer” and was then transferred to a private gallery in the Italian city of Arezzo.

The University of Florence’s magazine described the person as “an important Italian gallery owner”.

A team of scientists led by Giovanni Pratesi, mineralogy professor at the university, was able to examine it to learn more about its structure and where it came from. The meteorite was then briefly on display last year in Italy, including at the Italian Space Agency in Rome.

It was next seen in public in New York last month, minus two slices that stayed in Italy for more research.

Sotheby’s said that NWA 16788 was “exported from Niger and transported in line with all relevant international procedures.

“As with everything we sell, all relevant documentation was in order at each stage of its journey, in accordance with best practice and the requirements of the countries involved.”

A spokesperson added that Sotheby’s was aware of reports that Niger is investigating the export of the meteorite and “we are reviewing the information available to us in light of the question raised”.

Prof Sereno, who founded the organisation NigerHeritage a decade ago, is convinced Nigerien law was broken.

The academic with the University of Chicago, who has spent years uncovering the country’s vast deposits of dinosaur bones in the Sahara, campaigns to get Niger’s cultural and natural heritage – including anything that has fallen from outer space – returned.

A stunning museum on an island on the River Niger that runs through the capital, Niamey, is being planned to house these artefacts.

“International law says you cannot simply take something that is important to the heritage of a country – be it a cultural item, a physical item, a natural item, an extraterrestrial item – out of the country. You know we’ve moved on from colonial times when all this was okay,” Prof Sereno says.

A series of global agreements, including under the UN’s cultural organisation Unesco, have tried to regulate the trade in these objects. But, according to a 2019 study by international law expert Max Gounelle, when it comes to meteorites, while they could be included, there remains some ambiguity about whether they are covered by these agreements. It is left to individual states to clarify the position.

Niger passed its own law in 1997 aimed at protecting its heritage.

Prof Sereno points to one section with a detailed list of all the categories included. “Mineralogical specimens” are mentioned among the art works, architecture and archaeological finds but meteorites are not specifically named.

In its statement on the Sotheby’s sale, Niger admitted that it “does not yet have specific legislation on meteorites” – a line that the auction house also pointed out. But it remains unclear how someone was able to get such a heavy, conspicuous artefact out of the country without the authorities apparently noticing.

Morocco has faced a similar issue with the huge number of meteorites – more than 1,000 – found within its borders, which include a part of the Sahara.

More than two decades ago the country experienced what author Helen Gordon described as a “Saharan gold rush”, fuelled in part by laxer regulations and a more stable political environment than some of its neighbours.

In her recent book The Meteorites, she wrote that Morocco was “one of the world’s greatest exporters of space rocks”.

Prof Hasnaa Chennaoui Aoudjehane has spent much of the past 25 years trying to hold on to some of that extraterrestrial material for her country.

“It’s a part of us, it’s a part of our heritage… it’s part of our identity and it’s important to be proud of the richness of the country,” the geologist tells the BBC.

The professor is not against the trade in meteorites but has been instrumental in the introduction of measures aimed at regulating the business. She admits though that the new rules have not been entirely successful in stemming the flow of the meteorites.

In 2011, Prof Chennaoui was responsible for gathering material in the desert from an observed meteorite fall that turned out to be from Mars.

Later named the Tissint meteorite, it weighed 7kg in all, but now she says only 30g remain in Morocco. Some of the rest is in museums around the world, with the biggest piece on display in London’s Natural History Museum.

Reflecting on the fate of Niger’s Martian meteorite, she says she was not surprised as it is “something that I’m living with for 25 years. It’s a pity, we cannot be happy with this, but it’s the same state in all our countries.”

Prof Sereno hopes that the Sotheby’s sale will prove a turning-point – firstly by motivating the Nigerien authorities to act and secondly “if it ever sees the light of day in a public museum, [the museum] is going to have to deal with the fact that Niger is openly contesting it”.

• Sotheby’s returns Buddha jewels to India after uproar
• Meteorite smugglers anger scientists
• Nasa Mars rover: Meteorite to head home to Red Planet
• Antarctic meteorites yield global bombardment rate
• A fireball, a driveway and a priceless meteorite

US fashion designer Willy Chavarria has apologised after a shoe he created in collaboration with Adidas Originals was criticised for “cultural appropriation”.

The Oaxaca Slip-On was inspired by traditional leather sandals known as huaraches made by Indigenous artisans in Mexico.

The Mexican president was among those who spoke out against the footwear, which was reportedly made in China without consultation or credit to the communities who originated the design.

Chavarria said in a statement sent to the BBC: “I am deeply sorry that the shoe was appropriated in this design and not developed in direct and meaningful partnership with the Oaxacan community.” The BBC has contacted Adidas for comment.

Cultural appropriation is defined as “the unacknowledged or inappropriate adoption of the customs, practices, ideas, of one people or society by members of a typically more dominant people or society”.

Mexico’s President Claudia Sheinbaum told a press conference: “Big companies often take products, ideas and designs from Indigenous communities.”

She added: “We are looking at the legal part to be able to support them.”

Adidas had contacted Oaxacan officials to discuss “restitution to the people who were plagiarised”, Mexico’s deputy culture minister Marina Nunez added.

Promotional images of the black moulded open-toe footwear have been taken down from the brand’s social media accounts as well as Chavarria’s.

In his statement, Chavarria said he wanted “to speak from the heart about the Oaxaca slip-on I created with Adidas”.

“The intention was always to honor the powerful cultural and artistic spirit of Oaxaca and its creative communities – a place whose beauty and resistance have inspired me. The name Oaxaca is not just a word – its living culture, its people, and its history.”

He went on to say he was “deeply sorry” he did not work with the Oaxacan community on the design.

“This falls short of the respect and collaborative approach that Oaxaca, the Zapotec community of Villa Hidalgo Yalalag, and its people deserve,” he added.

“I know love is not just given – it is earned through action.”

Chavarria was Calvin Klein’s senior vice president of design until 2024 and is the founder and chief creative officer of his eponymous label.

In an emailed statement, Adidas told the BBC that it “recognizes and values the cultural richness of Mexico’s Indigenous communities and the meaning of their artisanal heritage.”

“The ’Oaxaca Slip-On‘ was inspired by a design from Oaxaca, rooted in the tradition of Villa Hidalgo Yalálag. We offer a public apology and reaffirm our commitment to collaborate with Yalálag in a respectful dialogue that honors their cultural legacy.”

The Associated Press reported that Adidas responded to Mexican authorities in a letter on Friday.

The company reportedly said it “deeply values the cultural wealth of Mexico’s Indigenous people and recognises the relevance” of criticisms, and requested a sit-down to talk about how to “repair the damage” to Indigenous communities.

A meteorite that crashed into a home in the US is older than planet Earth, scientists have said.

The object flew through the skies in broad daylight before exploding across the state of Georgia on 26 June, Nasa confirmed.

Researchers at the University of Georgia examined a fragment of the rock that pierced the roof of a home in the city of McDonough.

They found that, based on the type of meteorite, it is expected to have formed 4.56 billion years ago, making it roughly 20 million years older than Earth.

Residents in Georgia and nearby states reported hundreds of sightings and a loud booming noise when the fireball tore through the skies.

The rock quickly diminished in size and speed, but still travelled at least 1 km per second, going through a man’s roof in Henry County.

Multiple fragments that struck the building were handed over to scientists, who analysed their origins.

“This particular meteor that entered the atmosphere has a long history before it made it to the ground of McDonough,” Scott Harris, a geologist at the University of Georgia, said.

Using optical and electron microscopy, Harris and his team determined the rock was a chondrite – the most abundant type of stony meteorite, according to Nasa – which meant that it was approximately 4.56 billion years old.

The home’s resident said he is still finding pieces of space dust around his home from the hit.

The object, which has been named the McDonough meteorite, is the 27th to have been recovered from Georgia.

“This is something that used to be expected once every few decades and not multiple times within 20 years,” Harris said.

“Modern technology, in addition to an attentive public, is going to help us recover more and more meteorites.”

Harris is hoping to publish his findings on the composition and speed of the asteroid, which will help to understand the threat of further asteroids.

“One day there will be an opportunity, and we never know when it’s going to be, for something large to hit and create a catastrophic situation. If we can guard against that, we want to,” he said.

President Vladimir Putin has presented US President Donald Trump’s special envoy with an award to pass on to a senior CIA official whose son was killed fighting with Russia in Ukraine.

Putin gave the Order of Lenin to Steve Witkoff during his trip to Moscow this week to discuss a plan to end the Ukraine war, sources familiar with the matter told the BBC’s US partner CBS.

Michael Gloss, 21, who was killed in Ukraine last year, was the son of Juliane Gallina, who is the CIA’s deputy director for digital innovation.

Reports of the award emerged as it was confirmed that Trump and Putin will meet in Alaska next Friday to discuss the future of the war in Ukraine.

Neither the Kremlin nor Russian foreign ministry has publicly acknowledged posthumously bestowing the Order of Lenin, a Soviet-era award recognising outstanding civilian service, on Gloss.

It is unclear what was done with the award. The White House, the CIA and Witkoff did not respond to requests for comment.

Gloss’ death first emerged in Russian media reports in April.

A CIA statement later that month said Gloss had been suffering from mental health problems, adding that his death was not a national security issue.

Gloss was never an employee of the CIA, a person familiar with the matter told CBS.

Sources also told CBS that the Kremlin did not initially appear to be aware of the family background of Gloss, who enlisted with Russian forces in autumn 2023.

Gloss had shared selfies in Moscow’s Red Square on social media last year. His posts had expressed support for Russia in what he called “the Ukraine Proxy war” and dismissed media coverage of the conflict as “western propaganda”.

An obituary for Gloss published in November 2024 said he was “killed in Eastern Europe” on 4 April that year.

The CIA’s statement about his death four months ago said that Ms Gallina and her family had suffered “an unimaginable personal tragedy”.

Gloss’s father, Iraq war veteran Larry Gloss, told the Washington Post in an interview this April that their son had struggled for most of his life with mental illness.

“Our biggest fear while we were waiting for him to be repatriated was that someone over there [in Moscow] would put two and two together and figure out who his mother was, and use him as a prop,” Larry Gloss said.

An Indian tycoon’s sudden death in June has triggered a fierce inheritance battle at an Indian automotive giant.

Sunjay Kapur, 53, suffered a heart attack on 12 June while playing polo in Surrey in the UK. He was an heir to Sona Comstar, a $3.6bn (£2.7bn) business empire he inherited from his father. The company, among India’s top auto component makers, has a global footprint with 10 plants spread across India, China, Mexico and the US.

A polo enthusiast, Kapur moved in the elite social circles of Indian capital Delhi, and reportedly shared a friendship with Prince William. He was married three times – first to designer Nandita Mahtani, then to 90s Bollywood star Karisma Kapoor, before marrying Priya Sachdev, a former model and entrepreneur, in 2017.

But weeks after his death, the question of succession has made Kapur and his family the subject of media speculation.

At the centre of it is Kapur’s mother Rani Kapur, former chairperson of Sona Comstar.

On 24 July, Rani Kapur sent a letter to the board of Sona Comstar, raising questions about her son’s death and appointments made by the company after that.

In the letter, which the BBC has seen, she alleged that Kapur’s death was under “highly suspicious and unexplained circumstances”.

The coroner’s office in Surrey told the BBC that after a postmortem, it had determined that Kapur died of natural causes. “The investigation has been closed,” the office said.

Rani Kapur also claims to have been coerced into signing key documents while under mental and emotional distress from her son’s death.

“It is unfortunate that while the family and I are still in mourning, some people have chosen this as an opportune time to wrest control and usurp the family legacy,” she wrote.

She also asked Sona Comstar’s board to postpone its annual general meeting (AGM) – which was set for 25 July – to decide on a new director who would be a representative of the family.

Rani Kapur didn’t specify who she meant by “some people”, but Sona Comstar held the AGM the next day anyway and appointed Sunjay’s wife Priya as a non-executive director.

In her letter, Rani Kapur claimed she was the sole beneficiary of her late husband’s estate in a will left behind in 2015 which included a majority stake in Sona Group, including Sona Comstar.

The company has strongly denied Rani Kapur’s claims and said that she has had “no role, direct or indirect, in Sona Comstar since at least 2019”.

The board also said it had no compulsion to defer to her notice and that the AGM was conducted “in full compliance with the law”. The company has issued a legal notice to Rani Kapur, asking her to stop spreading “false, malicious and damaging” statements.

The BBC has contacted Sona Comstar, Rani Kapur and Priya Sachdev with questions.

Public shareholders, including banks, mutual funds and financial institutions, hold 71.98% of Sona Comstar, which is listed on Indian exchanges as Sona BLW.

The remaining 28.02% is held by promoters via a company called Aureus Investments Pvt Ltd.

According to the company’s filings, Sunjay Kapur was the sole beneficiary of the RK Family Trust, which controls the promoters’ stake in Sona Comstar via Aureus Investments.

“Looking at the company structure, at this point of time, Rani Kapur doesn’t feature as a registered shareholder so won’t have any voting rights. But there is the matter of the RK Family Trust and Aureus investments. We can’t really know if Rani holds any direct interest there till the agreement is made public,” says Tushar Kumar, a corporate litigator at India’s Supreme Court.

The Kapur family’s feud isn’t an isolated case.

Some 90% of listed companies in India are family-controlled, yet only 63% have a formal succession plan in place, according to a PwC survey.

Kavil Ramachandran of the Indian School of Business says most Indian family businesses operate with “significant ambiguity about specifics”.

“One such [area] is who owns how much and who inherits and when,” he adds.

Experts say family involvement without meritocracy and absence of formal agreements complicate matters.

“On the demise of the patriarch (or even before), disputes arise, both on ownership and on management, and too much water would have flowed under the bridge for issues to be resolved amicably,” said Ketan Dalal, who advises several Indian business families on ownership structures.

India Inc. is strewn with bitter succession battles that repeatedly grab headlines.

Mukesh Ambani, Asia’s richest man, was once embroiled in a very public power struggle with his younger brother over the sprawling Reliance empire after their father Dhirubhai Ambani died in 2002 without leaving a will. It was their mother, Kokilaben, who brokered peace years later.

More recently, family feuds have erupted at the Raymond Group, India’s most famous textiles company, and among the Lodha brothers, whose company built the Trump tower in Mumbai.

All of this has often come at a great cost to Indian shareholders.

“Anyone who has kept infinite control in their hands has suffered. In the end it’s the company that suffers, the stock prices go down and [so does] the perception of how the company will do in the future,” says Sandeep Nerlekar, founder and managing director of legacy planning firm Terentia.

But some families are now once bitten, twice shy.

The Bajaj family, one of the country’s biggest conglomerates, faced internal wrangling over succession until a court stepped in during the 2000s to resolve the dispute.

The patriarch mapped out a succession plan for the group, dividing responsibilities between his sons and cousin. As per the company’s statement, the group now operates through consensus via a family council.

Last year, one of India’s oldest business houses, the locks-to-real estate Godrej Group, announced an uncharacteristically amicable separation of their multi-billion dollar business.

“Families need to work on succession planning with governance structures like a good board that has teeth. They should be given some control so that the business can grow long term. Also you need to allow the next generation to take the lead well in time and the patriarch should take the time to groom them so that family issues don’t happen,” says Mr Nerlekar.

The likes of Mukesh Ambani appear to have taken that seriously, having begun grooming his three children well in advance.

Mr Ramachandran says that succession is not something that can be decided “overnight”.

“Preparing both the family and the operating team over a planned transition period is crucial.”

As American as apple pie, Kentucky bourbon was booming after the last Great Recession ended. But as the economy has waned post-Pandemic – and with multiple trade wars on the horizon – the market may be drying up.

Although the whiskey, which is traditionally made with corn and aged in charred oak barrels, has roots going all the way back to the 18th Century, it wasn’t until 1964 that it became an iconic piece of Americana, when Congress passed a law declaring it a “distinctive product of the United States”.

But drinking trends come and go, and by the end of the 20th Century, bourbon was considered a bit old fashioned – pun intended.

“You often see these kind of generational shifts where people don’t want to drink what their parents drink,” said Marten Lodewijks, the US president of IWSR, which collects alcoholic beverage data and provides industry analysis.

Then, as the world recovered from the 2008 recession, drinkers seemed to rediscover this classic spirit, for a few different reasons.

For starters, the price point was good, which made it attractive for bar managers to purchase and incorporate into cocktails and for younger drinkers to sample. Then, in 2013, a law was passed in Kentucky that made it easier for companies to purchase and resell vintage bottles, opening up a high-end collectible market. Add to that the rise in mid-century nostalgia fuelled by shows like Mad Men, and bourbon was due for a full-blown Renaissance.

Sales of bourbon grew by 7% worldwide between 2011-2020, which is more than three times the growth of the decade prior, according to industry data company ISWR.

Soon, some bourbon distillers were becoming quasi-celebrities, and people were starting to buy up bourbon bottles not to drink, but as an investment.

“Everyone was going crazy over the bourbon market, and treating like a commodity, like a stock,” recalls Robin Wynne, a general manager and beverage director for Little Sister in Toronto, Canada, who has been a bar manager for about 25 years.

“People would go in as a prospector, to flip bottles for two to three times the value.”

But like most market bubbles, this one was bound to burst. The pandemic’s lockdowns tanked bar sales, and inflation has made many would-be bourbon drinkers choose less expensive options – or forgo drinking all together. Amongst Gen-Z, many 20-somethings are drinking less than their older siblings and parents did at their age.

Those factors have contributed to declining alcohol sales, with bourbon sales specifically slowing down to just 2% between 2021-2024, according to ISWR data.

President Donald Trump’s global tariffs have been the final straw. The EU has announced retaliatory tariffs against US goods, including Kentucky bourbon and Californian wine, although implementation has been delayed for six months.

Meanwhile, most provinces in Canada have stopped importing American alcoholic beverages in retaliation. The country accounts for about 10% of Kentucky’s $9bn (£6.7bn) whiskey and bourbon business.

“That’s worse than a tariff, because it’s literally taking your sales away, completely removing our products from the shelves … that’s a very disproportionate response,” Lawson Whiting, the CEO of Brown-Forman, which produces Jack Daniels, Woodford Reserve and Old Forester, said back in March when Canadian provinces announced their plan to stop buying US booze.

Trump has said that tariffs will boost made-in-American businesses.

But Republican Senator Rand Paul, who represents Kentucky, said the tariffs will hurt local businesses and consumers in his home state.

“Well, tariffs are taxes, and when you put a tax on a business, it’s always passed through as a cost. So, there will be higher prices,” he told ABC’s “This Week” in May.

These economic pressures have created a growing list of casualties.

Liquor giant Diageo, reported that sales of Bulleit, a Kentucky distillery that makes bourbon, rye and whiskey, where down 7.3% this fiscal year.

Wild Turkey – a Kentucky bourbon owned by Campari – sales were down 8.1% over the past six months.

While big, international brands will likely be able to weather the storm, the sales hit has led to a growing list of casualties.

In July, LMD Holdings filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy – just one month after opening the Luca Mariano Distillery in Danville, Kentucky.

This spring, Garrard County Distilling went into receivership.

And in January, Jack Daniel’s parent company closed a barrel-making plant in Kentucky.

The bottom of the barrel has not yet been reached, warned Mr Lodewijks.

“I’d be extraordinarily surprised if there weren’t more bankruptcies and more consolidation,” he said.

In part, bourbon has become a victim of its own success – the rise in bourbon sales, and the growth of the premium market, helped fuel many small distilleries. Because bourbon must age in barrels for years, what’s on the market today was predicted a few years ago, which means that there is currently an oversupply, which is driving down prices.

But while these economic conditions are harsh, Mr Lodewijks said that history has shown how tough times can create innovation. Scotch whisky used to be fairly simple, a blend of middle-of-the road tipples. But when sales declined in the second part of the 20th century, distillers started aging their excess bottles, which helped create the market we have now for premium, aged Scotch whisky.

In Canada, where bourbon imports have slowed to a trickle, local distilleries have started experimenting with bourbon-making methods to give Canadian whiskey a similar taste.

“The tariff war has really done a positive for the Canadian spirits business,” noted Mr Wynne.

“We’ve got lots of grains to make these whiskeys without having to rely on the States.”