Iran war, 11 days in: US controls skies, oil surges and the region braces for what’s next
One week into the war with Iran, U.S. officials say American and Israeli forces are moving toward “complete control” of Iranian airspace — clearing the way for deeper strikes, a broader target list and a conflict that appears to be expanding rather than winding down.
In briefings this week, Secretary of War Pete Hegseth and Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Dan Caine described what they called near-uncontested airspace over key corridors, a shift that allows sustained bombing operations deep inside Iran.
“We are winning with an overwhelming and unrelenting focus on our objectives,” Hegseth said in a press briefing Tuesday morning.
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Caine said U.S. forces have now struck more than 5,000 targets in the first 10 days of operations, including dozens of deeply buried missile launchers hit with 2,000-pound penetrating bombs.
The message from Washington is one of overwhelming military advantage.
But the broader picture, rising oil prices, expanding drone warfare, strikes on energy and civilian infrastructure, and regional spillover touching NATO territory, suggests a conflict that is growing in scope even as U.S. officials project confidence in its trajectory.
Leadership hardens in Tehran
Amid the intensifying conflict, Iran’s Assembly of Experts has selected Mojtaba Khamenei — son of the recently deceased Ayatollah Ali Khamenei — as the country’s new supreme leader, consolidating authority within the clerical establishment and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps at a pivotal moment.
The succession, only the second since the 1979 revolution, signals continuity rather than recalibration in Iran’s posture. Mojtaba Khamenei had long been viewed as a potential successor and is closely aligned with hard-line factions inside Iran’s security apparatus.
President Donald Trump criticized the selection, saying the leadership change would not alter U.S. objectives and suggesting it reflects the same entrenched power structure Washington has sought to weaken. The administration has made clear that military operations will continue regardless of who occupies the supreme leader’s office.
Rather than opening a diplomatic off-ramp, the transition appears to reinforce the likelihood of a prolonged confrontation.
‘Uncontested airspace’
Hegseth said Tuesday that the U.S. and Israel had achieved “total air dominance” over Iran and were “winning decisively with brutal efficiency.”
“That doesn’t mean they won’t be able to project,” Hegseth said. “It doesn’t mean our air defenders still don’t have to defend. They do. But that is strong evidence of degradation.”
“Most of their higher-end surface-to-air missile systems are not factors at this point in time,” Caine said.
“Fighters are moving deeper with relative impunity,” he added, noting there is “always some risk.”
Adm. Brad Cooper, head of the U.S. military’s Central Command, also reported that Iranian ballistic missile launches had dropped by roughly 90% from the opening days of the conflict, while drone attacks had fallen by more than 80%, attributing the decline to sustained strikes on launchers and infrastructure.
Still, officials have cautioned that air superiority does not mean every threat can be stopped. Iranian missiles and drones continue to be launched, and some have required interception across the region.
A shift in munitions and message
Hegseth said the campaign is transitioning from expensive standoff weapons like Tomahawk cruise missiles to 500-, 1,000- and 2,000-pound precision gravity bombs — a shift he said reflects confidence that Iranian surface-to-air missile systems have been suppressed in key areas.
He described the U.S. stockpile of such bombs as “nearly unlimited” and warned that Washington’s timeline “is ours and ours alone to control.”
The emphasis on gravity bombs is more than rhetorical. It signals a move toward sustained, high-tempo operations designed not only to hit active threats, but to degrade Iran’s ability to regenerate its missile force.
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Drones redefine the fight
Even as missile launches decline, unmanned systems remain central to the war.
Iran has leaned heavily on drones — including Shahed-style loitering munitions — to strike energy facilities, pressure U.S. bases and disrupt shipping near the Strait of Hormuz. Compared to ballistic missiles, drones are cheaper and easier to deploy in volume, allowing Tehran to sustain pressure despite losses elsewhere.
In response, the United States has deployed a Ukraine-tested counter-drone interceptor system to the region. Ukrainian specialists, drawing on experience defending against Iranian-designed drones used in the Russia-Ukraine war, are assisting in strengthening base protection.
The drone fight underscores a key dynamic: while U.S. forces may dominate the skies, lower-cost unmanned systems can still impose risk and strain air defenses.
Energy at risk
The Strait of Hormuz — through which roughly 20% of the world’s oil and major liquefied natural gas shipments transit — has become one of the most consequential flash points of the war.
Drone attacks and Iranian threats have sharply reduced commercial traffic, driving up insurance costs and forcing some vessels to reroute. Oil prices have climbed above $100 per barrel amid fears that disruptions could persist.
Israeli strikes on Iranian oil facilities, and Iran’s retaliatory targeting of regional energy infrastructure, signal that energy assets are now active targets. Reports of strikes affecting water and desalination plants further suggest the war is expanding beyond strictly military sites.
If instability on Hormuz stretches for weeks, analysts warn global energy markets could tighten quickly, translating into higher gasoline prices and renewed inflation pressure in the United States.
Trump warned Monday that Iran will be hit “20 times harder” than it already has if it threatens ships in the Strait.
NATO proximity and regional backlash
The war has edged closer to NATO territory. Two Iranian ballistic missiles were intercepted near Turkish airspace, raising the risk of broader alliance involvement.
Iran has also struck Azerbaijan, drawing sharp condemnation from Baku and angering Turkey, Azerbaijan’s closest ally. Notably, Iran has not seen a unified regional bloc mobilize in its defense, highlighting its relative diplomatic isolation even as it escalates militarily.
Industrial mobilization
Despite Hegseth’s assertion that certain offensive munitions are plentiful, sustaining air and missile defense operations is resource-intensive, and inventories of high-end interceptors were already under strain before the conflict began.
Iran has attempted to degrade radar systems tied to platforms such as THAAD and Patriot batteries. While U.S. commanders say launch rates have declined sharply, interceptors are expensive and produced in limited quantities.
Trump convened major defense contractors last week to press for accelerated production of interceptors and related systems. Expanding output could require congressional funding if the campaign continues at its current pace.
The battlefield now extends beyond launch sites and into supply chains.
Rising casualties
The Pentagon has confirmed seven U.S. service members have been killed and eight seriously injured in Iranian strikes.
In Iran, the U.S. claims over 50 top Iranian leaders, including Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, have been taken out. Iran claims more than 1,000 people have been killed in the strikes and approximately 175 people, including many schoolchildren, were killed in an attack on a girls’ elementary school in Minab.
No group has claimed responsibility, and investigations are ongoing.
The incident has intensified scrutiny over civilian protection as the conflict widens.
No quick off-ramp
A little more than one week in, the trajectory points toward expansion rather than containment.
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U.S. officials project confidence in air dominance and sustained strike capacity. Iranian leadership has consolidated under a hard-line successor. Energy markets are volatile. Drone warfare continues to test defenses. The conflict has brushed NATO territory and struck civilian infrastructure.
The central question is how far the conflict will spread, and whether military momentum can outpace the economic and geopolitical costs mounting across the region.
Andrew Schulz warns ‘Americans are furious’ about prospect of new war while they struggle with affordability
Comedian Andrew Schulz and his co-hosts on the “Flagrant” podcast expressed bewilderment on Wednesday at why President Donald Trump launched yet another military effort in Iran while Americans struggle at home.
Schulz, who famously interviewed Trump during the 2024 campaign, has since blasted the president for appearing to execute the exact opposite of the agenda he ran on.
The military operation in Iran has divided many of Trump’s most die-hard supporters, and Schulz and his co-hosts suggested that the old techniques to win voters’ support for a foreign war just aren’t viable anymore.
“They’ve got to sell the war to America because nobody in America wants this war outside of the Persians,” he said, expressing his sympathy for those with family who suffered under the radical Islamic regime. “But the rest of the people of America can’t even point to Iran on a map.”
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He then jokingly asked his co-hosts how they might think America could make the proper sales pitch to sell the war to American taxpayers, imagining it was a time before the democratization of information, where the powers that be could merely tell people what to think.
“Is this the first war in American history where they haven’t even bothered to propagandize?” Schulz asked, suggesting, “I don’t think there’s anything that gets America to support the war.”
“Of course,” co-host AlexxMedia replied. “We’ve seen f—— Iraq and Afghanistan, we don’t f—— want this s— again.”
Schulz suggested that the best case scenario for public approval would be if a new regime was quickly installed, but said there is no way Americans would be in favor of a long-term engagement.
“Americans don’t give a f—, Americans can’t f—— afford healthcare, like, they don’t care what’s happening in Iran,” he said.
Even the appeal of dominating the Strait of Hormuz or oil production to cripple China is a hazardous sell, Schulz said, because China and America are both so mutually dependent on each other economically. However, the idea of getting some leverage on China, in the case of a hot war, might be a decent prospect, with one major caveat.
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“I wonder if Americans can’t say it, because then it looks like an attack on China,” Schulz said as he and his co-hosts speculated on that scenario.
“So now they’re stuck in between this rock and a hard place where they cannot give us any reason why it benefits us without pissing off China or making that declaration,” Schulz added, speculating on that theory.
He continued, “And then the only reason it looks like we’re in there is just because Israel needs it, and then, naturally, Americans are furious about it, right? Because we’re like, ‘How the f— does this benefit me? I can’t afford to pay for college. I can’t buy a home. I can’t pay for health insurance. And we’re going to spend billions of dollars on a war in a country I can’t even point out on a map. How is this beneficial to me?’”
“That’s how they feel already,” AlexxMedia said.
“As they should!” Schulz agreed.
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MIKE PENCE: Trump and our incredible military are ending 47 years of Iranian terror
From its inception in 1979, the Islamic Republic of Iran has long engaged in open hostility and violence toward the United States and Israel and has been a malign source of chaos and disorder across the Arab world.
On Feb. 28, America said “enough is enough.” With the daylight launch of Operation Epic Fury, our country initiated hostilities against the world’s leading state sponsor of terrorism, but America did not start this war. After 47 years of terrorism and bloodshed, the armed forces of the United States and our ally Israel have combined overwhelming military force to end it.
As Operation Epic Fury unfolds, there is much credit to go around. But first, President Donald Trump should be commended for taking decisive action to end decades of violence against American soldiers, our bases in the region and our cherished ally Israel. His willingness to strike at precisely the moment when the ayatollah and some 40 senior Iranian officials and commanders were assembled and most vulnerable was a master stroke.
And the president’s willingness to ignore the growing voices of isolationism echoing from the fringes of Republican ranks, unleashing the most powerful military in the world, not just in this time, but last year in Operation Midnight Hammer, striking a devastating blow to Iran’s nuclear program, was deeply admirable.
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Of course, the most credit goes to the men and women of America’s armed forces serving at this very hour in harm’s way. From the outset of hostilities, American service members deployed in Operation Epic Fury have performed with the utmost courage and professionalism. They deserve the admiration of every American and should remain daily in our prayers.
Thanks to coordinated efforts of the American, Israeli and Gulf nations’ militaries, the Iranian military has already been seriously degraded, its leadership scattered or killed and its ability to project force both inside and outside the region neutered. Today, the Iranian navy sits at the bottom of the ocean, air superiority has been established over the skies of Iran and their capacity to launch missiles and wreak mayhem across the Middle East has been dramatically diminished.
While partisans on the progressive left and the isolationist right have been quick to question the president’s decision to launch Operation Epic Fury, I believe that two historic objectives are finally within reach as a result of the courage of our military and our commander in chief’s decisive leadership.
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First, the punishing air campaign against the security infrastructure and ballistic missiles of the Iranian regime could well put regime change within reach. Within days or weeks, the Iranian regime may be incapable of projecting force even against its own people, thereby allowing the long-suffering Iranian people the chance to rise up and retake their freedom, making America, Israel and the world more secure.
Second, Operation Epic Fury has the potential to reestablish the deterrence squandered by President Joe Biden’s disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan. Weakness arouses evil. It’s no secret that America’s weakness on the world stage under the Biden administration set the stage for Russian President Vladimir Putin’s unprovoked invasion of Ukraine and for Hamas’s brutal attack on Israel on October 7th, financed and approved by the mullahs in Tehran.
With nearly flawless execution of Operation Epic Fury, our armed forces have sent a deafening message of America’s military might echoing across the Arab World and in the halls of power in Moscow and Beijing. As Putin continues to wage his merciless war against Ukraine and China’s President Xi Jinping and the People’s Liberation Army continue to menace Taiwan, the overwhelming force displayed by the combined forces of the United States could well give them pause concerning plans for future military aggression.
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America’s objective is not conquest; it never has been. It is the safety and security of the American people, our allies and a region that has endured decades of violence at the hands of the world’s leading state sponsor of terrorism.
Across the Arab world, there has been a growing recognition that the mullahs are not merely wayward brothers, but foes and a serious threat that must be addressed. A free and liberated Iran creates an opportunity to restore balance across the region and strengthen cooperation among nations that share an interest in peace and prosperity, not sowing regional anarchy. The Abraham Accords may have just been the beginning of a new era of peace and cooperation across the Arab world.
Today, the Iranian navy sits at the bottom of the ocean, air superiority has been established over the skies of Iran and their capacity to launch missiles and wreak mayhem across the Middle East has been dramatically diminished.
America is at war and history teaches that such moments require resolve. After the liberation of Kuwait in 1991, the United States chose not to finish the job and confront an Iraqi regime that had thrust the region into chaos. Within a decade, American forces returned.
Today, the United States is taking action to cut out the heart of terrorism in the Middle East. With the courage of our armed forces and sustained leadership from Washington, Tel Aviv and our growing list of regional allies, the ability of the Iranian regime to threaten its neighbors and oppress its people can be permanently degraded if not destroyed. But America must see this fight through.
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To end the threat of the Iranian regime and restore America’s credibility as the arsenal of democracy and the leader of the free world, America must finish this fight once and for all.
None of this will come without sacrifice and Operation Epic Fury has already claimed the last full measure of devotion from seven brave Americans. As a parent and in-law of active duty service members, we know the pride but not the heartache of the families of our heroic fallen. Every American should carry these precious families in our prayers and assure them that their loved one’s names will be enshrined in the hearts of a grateful nation forever.
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For 47 years, the tyrants of Iran have waged a campaign of terror against the United States, Israel and the aspirations of the Iranian people. Bringing that era to a close will not only strengthen American security but will also open the door to a future in which the people of Iran are finally free to reclaim the promise of their proud and ancient nation from the grip of tyranny.
And that would be a victory not only for America, but for the cause of liberty itself.
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LIZ PEEK: Iran war could become the achievement that ensures Trump’s legacy
Democrats and their media enablers are doing everything possible to turn the American people against the war in Iran. They deny the rationale for attacking Tehran, they pretend that President Barack Obama’s nuke deal was anything but appeasement of a bloodthirsty anti-U.S. regime, and they have alarmed Americans that we face a devastating “energy crisis” because of President Donald Trump’s “war of choice.”
None of it is true.
Over the weekend, Democrat Virginia Sen. Mark Warner said on Fox News that Trump had failed to make the case that Iran posed an “imminent threat” to the U.S., implying that he saw no such threat. He also said Trump had picked “the wrong time” to carry out the mission.
The Virginia senator made those remarks the very same week that a Pakistani assassin paid by the mullahs in Tehran was convicted of attempting to murder Trump. Iran’s Revolutionary Guard, who hired the would-be killer, had apparently targeted not only Trump, but other U.S. officials, including former President Joe Biden and former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley. For those potential victims, Iran posed an imminent threat.
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It isn’t the first time the mullahs have sent spies to the U.S. to arrange the murder of Trump and others, like former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. Thankfully, those attempts have been foiled. Were we supposed to simply wait until Tehran took down a leading U.S. politician before hitting back? These were not rogue agents; they were hired by Iranian officials, making the country a legitimate target.
Warner expressed concern about Iran’s store of ballistic missiles, which he contended would be difficult to eradicate. Does the senator imagine those weapons would be easier to eliminate as the stockpiles grew? Would it be safer to wait until Tehran developed intercontinental missiles which could strike the U.S.?
As Iran has fomented terror and attacks against the U.S. and Israel over the past 47 years, taking Americans hostage, arranging the murder of hundreds of G.I.s, what would have been the perfect time to fight back? For Democrats, including Biden and Obama, that time would never come.
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They prefer appeasement or, worse, imagine that a bloodthirsty regime that is content to slaughter its own citizens and routinely chants “Death to America” is only kidding. Obama and Biden seemed to believe that, given the proper incentives, Iran would forsake its terror mission and become a neutral partner. That’s like imagining a rattlesnake could become cuddly, if only fed enough Puppy Chow.
Obama, acting on his naïveté in 2015, famously oversaw the creation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), a multi-nation agreement that was supposed to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. Few saw the pact as a serious deterrent, given the loose verification requirements and permissions to continue enriching uranium for “peaceful” purposes. (For a major oil producer!)
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu spoke to Congress at the time, urging members to reject the agreement, noting that as part of the deal the U.S. and others would lift sanctions and funnel funds to Iran, which would go to building a nuclear stockpile and spreading terror.
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Trump extricated the U.S. from the JCPOA in 2018. At the time, former Minnesota Republican Sen. Norm Coleman correctly summed up the deal, writing it “gave Iran a clear path to a nuclear weapon in 2025; no inspection of military sites and free rein for its nefarious deeds in the region — with over $100 billion to pay for it all!”
Some Democrats continue to assert, like former Obama national security aide Ben Rhodes, that there was no need to confront Iran, because the JCPOA prevented the mullahs from building a nuclear weapon. This is straight-up baloney. Even the U.N. atomic watchdog, the IAEA, charged with ensuring Iran’s compliance with the JCPOA, finally admitted last year what everyone suspected — that Iran had cheated for years and not met the deal’s requirements.
Iran’s Revolutionary Guard, who hired the would-be killer, had apparently targeted not only Trump, but other U.S. officials, including former President Joe Biden and former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley.
That body passed a resolution declaring that Iran was “not complying with its obligations regarding nuclear non-proliferation.” The IAEA said they could not guarantee that Iran’s program was “exclusively peaceful” and confessed that Tehran had hidden evidence of its enrichment program.
In addition to arguing the merits of the war with Iran, Democrats are screaming that the conflict is bringing on an “energy crisis.” That is false. While tankers are piling up at the Strait of Hormuz, the world is enduring a temporary oil price surge.
Iran’s blockage of the strait has caused Iraq, Kuwait and Qatar to shut in some production, since they have no place to store the oil. Given the supremacy of U.S. and allied airpower, it is unlikely this situation will endure. Once tankers start to pass through the Strait, oil prices will quickly plummet.
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Democrats’ opposition and criticism are falling flat. A new Rasmussen poll shows a majority of the country supports the attack on Iran. Democrats are hopeful that Trump’s “war of choice,” will hang like an albatross around GOP necks as we approach the midterm elections this fall. What will prove them wrong? Success, and common sense.
Warner and many of his colleagues deny the solemn intonations of former presidents, including Obama and Biden, that Iran could not be permitted to acquire a nuclear weapon. Americans understand there was realistically only one way to stop them, and Trump had the guts to take that path.
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Democrats are afraid that the U.S. will win this war, that Iran will be forced to repudiate its reign of terror, and that President Trump’s legacy will include a remarkable transformation of the world’s most troublesome region — which began with the Abraham Accords during his first term. Imagine a prosperous, growing Middle East; imagine Gaza being rebuilt without the oppression of its people by Iran-backed Hamas.
Americans should cheer for success, for the Iranian people, for the world and for the U.S.
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MORNING GLORY: The military needs money from Congress to finish off Iran
On “One Nation with Brian Kilmeade,” Brian posed a key question to me: Would Congress pass a supplemental appropriation to cover the costs of the battle with Iran?
It should, but that doesn’t mean it will. The Democrats have collapsed into a defeatist, demoralized group of elected officials held together (when at all) by their hatred of President Trump.
It is hard to imagine the Congressional Democrats voting to supply the money necessary to actually win a decisive victory over Iran. Since President Obama ordered pallets of cash and precious metals worth $1.7 billion sent to Ayatollah Khamenei in January 2016 as part of the 2015 “Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action” (“JCPOA”), Democrats have been all about funding our enemy, not our troops.
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Four members of the House Democrats, and one Democratic Senator John Fetterman of Pennsylvania, voted with the Republicans last week to block an attempt to fetter President Trump’s powers as commander in chief pursuant to the “War Powers Act.” That Act of Congress is unconstitutional, but a collision over it was avoided because Republicans control the Congress at least until January 2027.
What cannot be avoided is the need to resupply the mighty American military with the money to replenish its weaponry. Three routes are available to the Congressional Republicans.
First, it would be usual order in the days when Democrats supported the military and made vows to stop Iran by force if necessary, to pass a “supplemental” appropriation. This would simply be put before Congress at the request from Secretary Pete Hegseth for funding needed that was not anticipated in the 2026 regular appropriation. As the administration earnestly pursued diplomacy with Iran, the cost of the current battle was not provided for in last year’s budget. Democrats would not, however, provide the 60 votes needed in the Senate to push this forward.
Second, the Appropriations Committees of both the Senate and the House — ably led by Senator Susan Collins of Maine and Representative Tom Cole of Oklahoma — could simply accelerate the regular appropriations process, but that takes most of the year. It is, however, also an election year. It is hard to imagine Democrats cooperating with Republicans before the November vote as they’d rather criticize everything the president and our troops accomplish than fund it and thereby acknowledge how extraordinary has been their overwhelming assault on the means for the Islamic Republic of Iran to project power.
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There is a third path: A second reconciliation process. This is the somewhat obscure budgeting process provided for by the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974. Under its rules, simple majorities of the House and Senate may pass bills having to do with an agreed-upon budget.
“Reconciliation” was used to pass the Working Families Tax Cut of 2025 (otherwise known as the “One, Big Beautiful Bill.”) That was a big lift for the Senate and House Republicans because it included so many working parts as well as near unanimity among the GOP on the whole package as the majority was so narrow in the House. But, after months and months of negotiations and careful drafting by every committee involved with the final language coming from the Appropriations Committee, the “Big Beauty” did indeed pass.
The GOP House majority has narrowed further since then and until the battle with Iran began, few if any Republicans could see a second “reconciliation” working out in 2026.
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Now, however, a second reconciliation has to be on the table. The military’s need is urgent and so too is the need for the public to understand how vast the differences between the parties when it comes to protecting the national security of the United States.
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So it is time for the Budget Committees to agree on a topline that holds steady the 2026 funding levels (or reduces where appropriate and agreeable to both chambers) but to also include within the 2027 budget both the amount of billions a supplemental would provide as well as the regular appropriation for the military and then the massive additional funding President Trump has been calling for: an additional $500 billion for defense which will fund Golden Dome, the Golden Fleet and the new generation of weaponry needed desperately in this new era of war.
Reconciliation need not take all year. Speaker Mike Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune should gather the caucuses they lead, lay out the need and press for an expedited and focused reconciliation process.
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Putting such a vote before both chambers will not only provide the funds needed to win the war and maintain our defenses and deterrence, it will also separate the members of both chambers who believe in victory from the defeatists and the appeasers. No more powerful data point can be provided to the electorate come November than a list of those who supported the troops and those who did not.
Reconciliation 2.0 is the way to go. Let’s see if the GOP seizes the opportunity.
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The war hits home: Why financial pain and economic uncertainty threaten Trump’s drive to topple Iran’s regime
As the Pentagon keeps releasing video of bombs destroying parts of Iran, the smoke can’t obscure an increasingly urgent question here at home:
How high a price are Americans willing to pay for this war?
I don’t mean in terms of casualties, as the seven Americans killed so far is a relatively low figure, although each fallen soldier is a tragedy. Each should be honored for their sacrifice, as the first half dozen were in a Delaware ceremony attended by President Donald Trump and other dignitaries.
It’s that the financial turmoil is really taking a toll on the homeland, not to mention around the world. Markets are tanking. Oil prices are soaring. Jobs are declining. And this has fueled doubts about Trump’s decision to wage relentless attacks against Iran – and offering a series of shifting explanations as to why the war is necessary, and why it needed to be launched now.
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All major wars involve sacrifice. But since the president never made a prime-time speech to support his decision, many Americans have the sense that they woke up one morning and were at war with Iran.
Was the goal here to prevent Tehran from obtaining nuclear weapons? Or, having wiped out Ayatollah Ali Khameini and other top leaders, was it regime change? Pete Hegseth said the aim wasn’t to topple the regime, but that was contradicted by Trump saying he had to approve the new leader and rejecting the anointment of the ayatollah’s son. If that isn’t George W. Bush-style regime change, what is?
At the outset, the Dow was plunging, the 401(k)s were shrinking, and gas prices were surging.
In military terms, the U.S.-Israeli attacks on the world’s leading sponsor of terrorism have been a remarkable success, at least so far. But how long will this 24/7 bombardment continue?
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Hegseth told “60 Minutes” that he and Trump are “willing to go as far as we need to go” overturn Iran’s dictatorial regime, including sending troops if necessary. The War secretary understandably said he wouldn’t tell the enemy whether the military assault would last four to six weeks or longer.
“Short term oil prices, which will drop rapidly when the destruction of the Iran nuclear threat is over, is a very small price to pay for U.S.A., and World, Safety and Peace,” the president posted. “ONLY FOOLS WOULD THINK DIFFERENTLY!”
The president told CBS yesterday, “the war is very complete, pretty much.” That’s a significant shift.
Hegseth argues the media are playing up American casualties to make Trump look bad. Sorry, but there’s a reason many people find this offensive. Journalists cover American military casualties in every administration, and it’s not aimed at any particular president. It’s to honor our war dead. Most of the press is hardly pro-Trump, but these deaths would be major news no matter who was commander in chief.
Meanwhile, other Arab nations, under attack by Iran, have slashed oil productions because of that and risky conditions at the Strait of Hormuz, a major choke point for energy shipments.
At the same time, history shows that some political opponents try to exploit American combat deaths, as many Democrats are doing here by refusing to call Iran a terrorist state. When 13 Americans died in an attack at Kabul airport during a chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan, Republicans blamed Joe Biden throughout his term. When four Americans died in Benghazi, Hillary Clinton, the Secretary of State, was hammered for years.
Russia’s role has also been polarizing. The Washington Post, citing a classified report, said the Kremlin is aiding Iran in targeting U. S. forces – in blunt terms, helping to kill Americans.
When reporters raised this with press secretary Karoline Leavitt, she said, “whether or not this happened, frankly, it does not really matter.”
The backlash was instantaneous.
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There is, at the moment, a growing sense of international uncertainty that has everyone off balance.
I watched for years as LBJ and Richard Nixon bombarded the Viet Cong in what was largely a jungle war, and the guerrillas refused to surrender, betting on outlasting the United States. Ultimately, South Vietnam collapsed and was overrun. The war was all the more pointless because it was fought against the “domino theory” that these small countries would fall in a Communist triumph.
Donald Trump ran as the America First candidate who would keep the country out of foreign wars. He said it was Kamala Harris who would lead the nation into World War III.
The former VP now accuses Trump of “dragging the United States into a war the American people don’t want.”
And the Iran combat, of course, follows another regime change, with Trump ordering the kidnapping of Nicolás Maduro and declaring himself the leader of oil-rich Venezuela.
The furor over Iran has exacerbated a deep and nasty split in the conservative media, with some of its members abruptly changing their rhetoric about foreign wars and others saying the president has betrayed his MAGA base.
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A month from now, six months from now, the decision to wage war against Iran may be seen as a brilliant tactical move or the start of an Iraq-style quagmire. Will Trump be able to say he shut down the mullahs’ nuclear program?
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But if there’s one thing that might persuade the president to declare victory and wind things down, it’s the growing economic pain that this war has inflicted on average Americans.
5 Iranian women’s soccer players receive asylum in Australia after Trump pressure
Australia granted asylum to five members of the Iranian women’s soccer team on Monday, following their perceived political stand during the Women’s Asian Cup and pressure from President Donald Trump.
Australia’s Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke made the announcement. The women were transported from their hotel in Gold Coast, Australia “to a safe location” by federal police officers in the country in the early hours of Tuesday morning.
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The players, then, met with Burke and began the processing for their humanitarian visas, he said.
“I say to the other members of the team the same opportunity is there,” Burke said. “Australia has taken the Iranian women’s soccer team into our hearts.”
The asylum bids came amid increased pressure from Trump on Monday and Iranian groups in Australia.
“Australia is making a terrible humanitarian mistake by allowing the Iran National Woman’s Soccer team to be forced back to Iran, where they will most likely be killed. Don’t do it, Mr. Prime Minister, give ASYLUM. The U.S. will take them if you won’t,” he wrote on Truth Social.
“I just spoke to Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, of Australia, concerning the Iranian National Women’s Soccer Team,” Trump added later. He’s on it! Five have already been taken care of, and the rest are on their way. Some, however, feel they must go back because they are worried about the safety of their families, including threats to those family members if they don’t return. In any event, the Prime Minister is doing a very good job having to do with this rather delicate situation. God bless Australia!”
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The team arrived in Australia before Israel and the U.S. launched a joint offensive against Iran on Feb. 28. The strikes led to the death of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.
Iranian players refused to sing their national anthem before an opening loss to South Korea last Monday, which was viewed by some as an act of resistance, which was dubbed by an Iranian commentator as the “pinnacle of dishonor.”
The team didn’t clarify. But the players sang the anthem and saluted before their losses to Australia and the Philippines.
“These women are tremendously popular in Australia, but we realize they are in a terribly difficult situation with the decisions that they’re making,” Burke said. “The opportunity will continue to be there for them to talk to Australian officials if they wish to.”
The Australian Iranian Council launched an online petition urging Australian authorities to “ensure that no member of Iran’s women’s national football team is to depart Australia while credible fears for their safety remain.”
“Where credible evidence exists that visiting athletes may face persecution, imprisonment, coercion, or worse upon return, silence is not a neutral position,” the petition read. “The current wartime environment has intensified repression, fear, and the risks faced by anyone publicly perceived by the Islamic Republic as disloyal.”
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Iran head coach Marziyeh Jafari was quoted as saying on Australia’s national news agency that the team wants “to come back to Iran as soon as we can.”