The House Ethics Committee report on Donald Trump ally Matt Gaetz released on Monday revealed fresh details about the former congressman’s alleged behaviour, at least one new accusation and insights into the panel’s investigation.

From at least 2017 to 2020, the committee concluded that the former Florida congressman regularly paid women for “engaging in sexual activity”, had sex with a 17-year-old girl, used or possessed illegal drugs, accepted gifts beyond House limits and helped a woman obtain a passport, according to the report.

Gaetz, who resigned from the US House of Representatives in November – days before the report was scheduled to be made public and after Trump announced him as his pick for US attorney general – denied the committee’s findings and has accused it of conducting an unfair investigation.

Here are four parts of the much-anticipated report that stand out.

House investigators said Gaetz paid more than $90,000 (£71,843) to women for sex and drugs, but created a complicated web of transactions that were hard to trace, according to the report.

“The committee was unable to determine the full extent to which Representative Gaetz’s payments to women were compensation for engaging in sexual activity with him,” the report found.

He allegedly used his friend Joel Greenberg, currently serving 11 years in prison for crimes he said he committed with Gaetz, as a frequent go-between and logged onto Greenberg’s account on SeekingArrangement.com, which bills itself as a “luxury dating site”, to interact with young women.

Gaetz also paid women directly, sometimes through platforms such as Venmo, according to the report. But the committee said he often used another person’s PayPal account or an account linked to an email address with a fake name.

He also obscured payments, the panel wrote. In one example, he gave a college student a cheque made out to “cash” with “tuition reimbursement” in the memo line. The woman said she received it after a group encounter, which “could potentially be a form of coercion because I really needed the money”.

Gaetz has posted on social media that he gave money to women he was involved with as gifts, not payments. The committee found that two women, aged 27 and 25, did not consider their relationships transactional.

Another woman who was considered his girlfriend invoked her Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination when asked if she was given money for sex or drugs, or to pay others.

The committee attempted to prove Gaetz frequently paid for sex through a text message that described his inability to pay at one point.

His then-girlfriend said in the message that he and Greenberg were “a little limited in their cash flow” and asked a group of women “if it can be more of a customer appreciation week”.

A few months later, according to the committee, she wrote: “Btw Matt also mentioned he is going to be a bit generous cause of the ‘customer appreciation’ thing last time.”

The committee also said Gaetz bought illegal drugs or reimbursed people for them.

It gives examples of his alleged cocaine and ecstasy/MDMA use, but focused on what appeared to be a heavy marijuana habit. He allegedly asked women to bring marijuana cartridges to meetings and events, and created the fake-name email account to buy marijuana.

A trip he took to the Bahamas “was paid for by an associate of Representative Gaetz with connections to the medical marijuana industry, who allegedly also paid for female escorts to accompany them”, according to the report.

One woman felt the use of drugs and alcohol at parties had impaired her ability “to really know what was going on or fully consent”.

“Indeed, nearly every woman that the committee spoke with could not remember the details of at least one or more of the events they attended with Representative Gaetz and attributed that to drug or alcohol consumption,” the report said.

His then-girlfriend, who was 21 when they met and “was paid tens of thousands of dollars” during their two-year relationship”, often participated in encounters with women and acted as an intermediary, according to the report.

A woman told the committee she was 17 at the time she had sex with Gaetz twice at a party in 2017 – at least once in front of other people – while under the influence of ecstasy. The woman, who had just completed her junior year in high school, then received $400 from him.

She also told the panel she did not tell Gaetz she was a minor and the committee did not find any evidence that the former congressman knew she was underage.

In 2021, Greenberg pleaded guilty to sex trafficking the girl.

Gaetz also allegedly directed his chief of staff to expedite a passport application for a woman he was sleeping with, whom he said was a voter in his district. He also allegedly gave her $1,000.

Gaetz violated House rules that bar using his position for special favours, according to the committee, which wrote: “The woman was not his constituent, and the case was not handled in the same manner as similar passport assistance cases”.

The committee dedicated a great deal of the report to detailing how Gaetz allegedly obstructed its investigation, including failing to produce evidence he said would “exonerate” him.

The report concluded he “continuously sought to deflect, deter, or mislead the Committee in order to prevent his actions from being exposed”.

Gaetz, who has accused the committee of being “weaponised” against him and leaking information to the press, alleged the panel was working on behalf of former Speaker Kevin McCarthy, according to the report. Last year he helped lead an effort to oust then-Speaker McCarthy from his role.

While Gaetz claimed he had “voluntarily produced tens of thousands of records,” he gave the committee “only a couple hundred records, more than 90% of which was either irrelevant or publicly available,” the report found.

One sore point was a trip to the Bahamas, where the committee said he withheld information. Ultimately it concluded he violated rules on gifts because the trip was too high in value.

The committee also cited the Justice Department’s probe into the allegations against Gaetz as a reason for delays.

Some witnesses asked the committee to use statements they had given to the department, but it refused to share them because they had not issued charges and because it said it could deter future witnesses in other cases from coming forward.

The report ends with a single-page statement from Ethics Committee Chairman Michael Guest “on behalf of dissenting committee members” who are not named.

Those members do not challenge the committee’s findings, but disagree with releasing the report after Gaetz resigned from the House, which has not happened since 2006, they write.

It “breaks from the Committee’s long-standing practice, opens the Committee to undue criticism, and will be viewed by some as an attempt to weaponise the Committee’s process”.

“I feel bad, I still do,” said Eidwicht, as she stood in the Christmas market close to the spot where the car sped through on Friday, killing five people and injuring more than two hundred others.

“My granddaughter was here. I rang her because my daughter told me that something had happened here. And she didn’t answer for two hours.”

There is deep sadness here – and anger directed at the government and migrants. “It can’t go on like this,” said Eidwicht.

A Saudi refugee aged 50 has been arrested for the attack but the motive is unknown.

Officials say Taleb Al-Abdulmohsen, was an “untypical” attacker. Germany’s Christmas markets and festivals have come under attack before, mainly from extreme Islamists.

He has been described as critical of Islam and he also voiced support on social media for the far-right Alternative for Germany party, hailing the party for fighting the same enemy as him “to protect Germany”.

The AfD has not commented on those posts. The party held a rally in Magdeburg later on Monday where co-leader Alice Weidel called for change “so we can finally live once again in security”. The crowd responded with calls of “deport them” according to news agencies.

Her party is currently riding high in the opinion polls ahead of federal elections on 23 February, especially in states like Saxony-Anhalt in the former East Germany.

This attack has brought two big elections issues to the fore, security and immigration, and AfD figures have highlighted both since the attack.

Despite the suspect’s many statements expressing hostility to Islam, the head of the AfD in Sachsen-Anhalt, Martin Reichardt, said in a statement “the attack in Magdeburg shows that Germany is being drawn into political and religious fanaticism that has its origins in another world”.

In a post on X, Weidel said the government’s discussion of new security laws following the attack “must not distract from the fact that Magdeburg would not have been possible without uncontrolled immigration. The state must protect its citizens through a restrictive migration policy and consistent deportations!”

A counter-demonstration also took place, with anti-racism groups accusing the AfD of exploiting the attack.

David Begrich from Miteinander e.V. said people in the city needed a chance to catch their breath.

“In the migrant communities, there is great concern about being made into a scapegoat,” he said. “We don’t want that. We want to organise solidarity across society, but at the same time we are also sensitive to the voices of those who are now reacting with fear and uncertainty.”

Germans are asking how the attack could have happened, when security was already heightened at Christmas markets and when authorities had clearly investigated the suspect several times in recent years.

The threat he posed was considered “too unspecific”, according to one assessment, while one tip-off against him in September 2023 appears to have fallen through the cracks.

In another apparent security failing, the driver was also able to get through a gap that had been left open for emergency access when it should have been filled by a police van.

Stallholders at the Christmas market have now been allowed to come back, to throw away old food and remove their equipment and stocks.

None that I approached wanted to speak to the BBC. It’s all too raw.

There has also been hostility towards journalists over the past few days, especially after some 2,000 people joined a protest by the far right in Magdeburg on Saturday night.

The Association of German Journalists said there had been aggression and threats against the press and appealed for greater police protection.

The BBC team joined mourners gathered in Cathedral Square for a live stream of the vigil for victims of the attack and many who spoke to them said it was important to show solidarity at a time of terrible distress.

But one woman struck a note of caution. There are “some Nazis here, who don’t like journalists,” she said. “Please be careful.”

A Nasa spacecraft is attempting to make history with the closest ever approach to the Sun.

The Parker Solar Probe is plunging into our star’s outer atmosphere, enduring brutal temperatures and extreme radiation.

It’s out of communication for several days during this burning hot fly-by and scientists will be waiting for a signal, expected on 27 December, to see if it has survived.

The hope is the probe could help us to better understand how the Sun works.

Dr Nicola Fox, head of science at Nasa, told BBC News: “For centuries, people have studied the Sun, but you don’t experience the atmosphere of a place until you actually go visit it.

“And so we can’t really experience the atmosphere of our star unless we fly through it.”

Parker Solar Probe launched in 2018, heading to the centre of our Solar System.

It has already swept past the Sun 21 times, getting ever nearer, but the Christmas Eve visit is record-breaking.

At its closest approach, the probe is 3.8 million miles (6.2 million km) from our star’s surface.

This might not sound that close, but Nasa’s Nicola Fox puts it into perspective: “We are 93 million miles away from the Sun, so if I put the Sun and the Earth one metre apart, Parker Solar Probe is four centimetres from the Sun – so that’s close.”

The probe will have to endure temperatures of 1,400C and radiation that could frazzle the onboard electronics.

It’s protected by a 11.5cm (4.5 inches) thick carbon-composite shield but the spacecraft’s tactic is to get in and out fast.

In fact, it will be moving faster than any human made object, hurtling at 430,000mph – the equivalent of flying from London to New York in less than 30 seconds.

So why go to all this effort to “touch” the Sun?

Scientists hope that as the spacecraft passes through our star’s outer atmosphere – its corona – it will solve a long standing mystery.

“The corona is really, really hot, and we have no idea why,” explains Dr Jenifer MIllard, an astronomer at Fifth Star Labs.

“The surface of the Sun is about 6,000C or so, but the corona, this tenuous outer atmosphere that you can see during solar eclipses, reaches millions of degrees – and that is further away from the Sun. So how is that atmosphere getting hotter?”

The mission should also help scientists to better understand solar wind – the constant stream of charged particles bursting out from the corona.

When these particles interact with the Earth’s magnetic field the sky lights up with dazzling auroras.

But this so called space weather can cause problems too, knocking out power-grids, electronics and communication systems.

“Understanding the Sun, its activity, space weather, the solar wind, is so important to our everyday lives on Earth,” says Dr Millard.

Nasa scientists face an anxious wait over Christmas while the spacecraft is out of touch with Earth.

Nicola Fox says that as soon as a signal is beamed back home, the team will text her a green heart to let her know the probe is OK.

She admits she’s nervous about the audacious attempt, but she has faith in the probe.

“I will worry about the spacecraft. But we really have designed it to withstand all of these brutal, brutal conditions. It’s a tough, tough little spacecraft.”

There is a festive chill at Sandringham on Christmas Day morning – especially when you find yourself standing outside St Mary Magdalene Church at 5am, as I often have in my years as a royal correspondent.

Last year I watched as King Charles and Queen Camilla led the royal party to church on Christmas Day, followed by the Prince and Princess of Wales, holding the hands of their children as they spoke to the crowds.

The Princess kept a firm grip on playful Prince Louis while they were given Christmas cards and presents, along with dozens of flowers.

I could never have predicted that this was the last time we would see her in person for more than six months. I was expecting to head to Italy with the couple on a royal tour, but she wouldn’t join the Royal Family on another official engagement until Trooping the Colour in June.

On 16 January, the Princess of Wales was admitted to hospital for major abdominal surgery. At the end of March, she went public with her cancer diagnosis and chemotherapy.

For her husband, it was the start of a year that he would go on to call “the hardest of his life”.

It throws up memories of Queen Elizabeth’s own “sombre year” of 1992 when there were multiple marriage breakdowns within the family and a major fire. At the time she described it with the now infamous phrase, “annus horribilis”.

In 2024, Prince William faced not only his wife’s ill health, but the King’s cancer diagnosis too, and always there in the background was the apparently unresolved conflict with his brother Prince Harry.

But it was also a year in which certain aspects of Prince William’s approach were cemented – family came first, the school run was prioritised. For the Prince of Wales, this time of turbulence appears to have reinforced what matters to him most.

Along the way, however, it has also become evident what kind of senior royal William wants to be. We’ve seen more of his apprenticeship as a global statesman, especially during the 80th anniversary of D-Day on a stage alongside world leaders – but the William way has also left some questioning certain choices he has made.

On 27 February, the Prince of Wales was due to give a reading at the thanksgiving service for the late King Constantine of Greece at St George’s Chapel in Windsor. The illustrious guest list included European royalty.

Around an hour before the service was due to begin, however, Kensington Palace announced that the Prince would be unable to attend due to a “personal matter”. There were reassuring words from the Prince’s team that there was “nothing to panic about” but it was highly unusual.

Around this time, the Princess was given the news that cancerous cells had been discovered in post-operative tests.

Over the next three weeks, the couple told the children what was happening and had time to deal with their questions privately before going public.

“I think what was remarkable was just how hard it was for the Prince of Wales at the start of the year,” says a friend of the Prince. “His wife had gone in for major surgery and it became worse than expected. Then there was, ‘How do I tell my three children that Mummy is ill?'”

All of this was happening against the backdrop of the King’s own cancer treatment, which he made public on 5 February.

“At a time when he was trying to protect his wife and children, he had that terrible thought that that if his father dies then everything changes,” says the friend.

Several people who know the Prince personally or have worked with him this year told me that the spotlight on what was wrong with his wife took its toll on both William and Catherine.

“He was having to operate against the backdrop of the entire world questioning what was happening to his wife,” one friend told me.

With his father largely out of action for several weeks and the Princess away from public duty, the royal diary was looking stretched. Prince William was adamant that public duty would have to wait until the situation at home was more settled.

It offered a hint of Prince William’s way of doing things. Yes, he understood that his was a life where duty and service are expected. But for him, a man who had experienced immense loss at a young age, his wife and children were most important of all.

There were two other important factors at home that helped the Prince of Wales support his wife and children – his in-laws, the Middletons; and living in Windsor.

When the Princess made her public announcement about her diagnosis, the message was posted on royal social media accounts, and one of the first people to publicly respond was her brother James.

Alongside a childhood holiday photo of himself and his sister, he wrote: “Over the years, we have climbed many mountains together. As a family, we will climb this one with you too.”

Together with his sister Pippa and parents Carole and Michael, the family became key to keeping life as normal as possible for the royal children. People living locally reported seeing Carole Middleton, who lives 30 miles away in Bucklebury, Berkshire, regularly driving in and out of Windsor Castle.

And when the Princess’s surgery prevented her from driving, it was her mother who often drove her daughter to school to collect the three children.

The decision to move from Kensington Palace to Windsor Castle in 2022 also proved timely.

“Windsor has been a sanctuary. It has provided the protection and privacy the family needed this year,” said a friend.

The family live in Adelaide Cottage, a four-bedroom house within the Castle grounds that is secluded enough to give the family freedom that Kensington Palace, which is located in central London, could not.

Snatched photos show the Prince of Wales using an electric scooter to get around the grounds. When on royal duty, he would occasionally reveal a snippet about life at home, such as his continued devotion to Aston Villa FC, or a favoured film or TV series – earlier this year he enjoyed action film The Fall Guy and more recently he and the Princess watched spy thriller series Black Doves on Netflix.

He has also taken his children to football matches at local clubs and both he and the Princess have continued to be part of school life at Lambrook, the private school in Berkshire that their children attend. During her treatment, the Princess was still able to be on the sidelines during sports days.

All of this appears to have pushed other personal issues right down the Prince’s agenda.

The rancour between William and Harry is said to remain. Harry has visited the UK over the past 12 months but is not believed to have met his brother. They are thought to have not spoken to one another in around two years.

There have been new controversies around Prince Andrew in recent months too, including revelations about his links to Chinese businessman Yang Tengbo, who was barred from the UK after concerns about national security risks. Prince Andrew has said that he had ceased contact with Mr Yang.

But the prince did not attend the Royal Family’s traditional pre-Christmas lunch.

Such matters will have been dealt with by the King but, as heir to the throne, William’s voice in family matters is increasingly significant.

Robert Hardman, journalist and author of Charles III: New King. New Court. The Inside Story, says the relationship between Charles and his eldest son “has reached a new level of understanding”.

“We still have a tendency to look at William as the kid, the apprentice, the understudy,” he says. “But he’s now been a front rank royal for 10 years. He’s been around the block more than many current heads of State.”

Unusually, much of what the Prince has said about his year has come directly from him rather than via formal statements or briefings.

During his visit to South Africa in November for the Earthshot Prize, the Prince’s environmental project, he spoke about his passion for the cause but also about the struggles of 2024.

“From a family point of view, it’s been brutal,” he told the group of us who had travelled to Cape Town. For someone who has been guarded in the past, his language was surprisingly frank.

His demeanour was open and positive too, clearly energised by Earthshot and being back in Africa, but he a gave a glimpse into how he conflicted he was when he viewed his role as Prince of Wales.

“It’s a tricky one,” he said. “Do I like more responsibility? No. Do I like the freedom that I can build something like Earthshot, then yes.”

What struck me the most after spending almost a week in Cape Town was how he framed his outlook on the modern monarchy, saying he wanted to do the job with a “smaller R in Royal”.

“I’m trying to do it differently,” he admitted, “and I’m trying to do it for my generation.”

What he meant was not doing things in the same way as his father and grandmother.

Charles and William “are different characters”, observes Robert Hardman. “The King is more intellectually curious, and spiritually and theologically engaged. These areas aren’t of deep interest to William.

“The tone of their communication is different. The King remains fairly traditional. William has his own way of doing things.”

Some have questioned the William way. One critic, Graham Smith, chief executive of the anti-monarchy group Republic, argues against the Prince’s decision to focus his efforts on the issue of homelessness.

“[It is] crass and hypocritical of William to get involved in it, given the excessive wealth we gift him,” he argues.

However, Mr Hardman disputes the notion that William’s involvement in projects like this are inappropriate. “I think William is currently a more conventional Prince of Wales than his father was at this age. Prince Charles was a more radical heir to the throne.

“The creation of the Prince’s Trust sounded alarm bells at Buckingham Palace and Downing Street. William isn’t ringing alarm bells.”

Prince William has far fewer patronages than his father. The King currently has 669 – many maintained from his 70 years as heir to the throne. Prince William’s slimline, more focused approach leaves him with around 30.

It is a deliberate strategy: fewer projects but higher impact in the hope of bringing about social change. Those who have worked closely with him this year praise this approach.

“His contribution is unbelievable,” said Hannah Jones, the CEO of the Earthshot Prize. “He has set the vision.”

But that bold action comes with more risk.

Last month, I travelled to Newport in South Wales with the Prince to meet those working on his homelessness project in the city. It was 10 months since his wife’s cancer diagnosis, her chemotherapy was complete and William seemed to me to be less burdened by life.

He was in listening mode, and spoke to dozens of people. In some of the conversations, it struck me how many ventured into the political.

The Prince told the project team to think differently, to be disruptors and challenge the way things had always been done.

“We drive in a very non-political lane,” a royal source told me. “We use our platform to convene and shine the spotlight on a societal issue and that remains unchanged. We are feeling bullish about what we can achieve even in really hard circumstances.”

In the years ahead William will no doubt face further challenges around his role. In this current age of social media, for example, deference and respect for monarchy isn’t the mood in the room.

But it is clear from his public work that he doesn’t view his future as one filled with plaque unveilings and handshaking.

“I have to be seen to be believed,” is a quote attributed to his grandmother, Queen Elizabeth II. For her grandson, the approach is more: “I have to be seen to be making a difference.”

Through 2024, he has ticked off meetings with many world leaders from the Emperor of Japan to the President of South Africa rounded off by the US president-elect, cementing his role on the global stage, promoting the UK with a touch of soft diplomacy.

Next November, the COP climate summit is being held in Brazil and the Prince is “looking forward to playing a role there”. An Earthshot Prize in Brazil may be a possibility too.

Ultimately, the development of Prince William as family man-meets-global statesman is ongoing – and he’s looking increasingly comfortable juggling both roles.

When Amrita Kaur decided to attend Punjabi pop star Diljit Dosanjh’s concert in India this month, she was prepared to experience some discomfort.

Having attended several concerts in the past, Ms Kaur was sort of looking forward to the “exhilarating chaos” that comes with large crowds at big events in India.

But what awaited her was far worse than she had imagined.

Crowd control was minimal and sanitation non-existent. Overloaded mobile networks stopped working, sparking fears about personal safety. Even using the toilet felt like a gamble, she said, as it meant having to spend the rest of the performance queued up in front of “unhygienic, smelly cubicles”.

The venue, a massive piece of government-owned land in the northern city of Chandigarh, had no public transport connections or parking space, leaving Ms Kaur with no option but to drive her car to a friend’s nearby – and then get stuck in the inevitable, hours-long traffic jam once the concert had ended.

“You pay so much for a ticket and what do you get in return? A possible urinary infection and a bad headache with some bouts of music,” she says about her experience.

This year has been big for India’s burgeoning concert industry, with major tours by Dua Lipa, Dosanjh and Maroon 5 packing stadiums and grounds already thrilling audiences. Other international acts like Green Day, Coldplay and Ed Sheeran are set to perform in the coming months.

In fact, India’s music concerts generated about 8bn rupees ($94.1m; £75.3m) in revenue last year – a figure that is set to increase by 25% by the end of 2025.

Young, well-to-do Indians are not just willing to pay more to see their favourite music stars, but are actively seeking out these events. In 2023, more than 400,000 people in India said they travelled to other Indian cities to attend live events.

But despite the enthusiasm, many concertgoers say their experience has been far from ideal. The issue made headlines earlier this week, when a diabetic patient with incontinence issues said he ended up soiling himself at a Bryan Adams concert due to unavailability of washrooms at the venue.

On the same day, Dosanjh, who has been on a nationwide tour, shocked his fans by announcing that he wouldn’t perform in India again until the infrastructure at concert venues got better. The singer later clarified he was referring to only one of the venues.

Since then, social media has been awash with similar complaints from concertgoers. From booking tickets on dodgy scalping websites for astonishingly high prices, to braving hours-long traffic before and after a show, often on a full bladder, fans say they have to pay with more than just money to see their favourite acts.

Those who have the means are now opting to attend shows in other countries for a safer and generally more fun experience. “At Adele’s concert in Munich, the staff continuously cleaned the toilets and it was super clean even after a three-hour concert,” says Ishika Goon, a Bengaluru-based lawyer. “If I have to spend so much money, I might as well go for the full experience.”

Organisers and promoters acknowledge the problems but say they too are hobbled by wider infrastructural challenges.

That’s because India does not have enough venues dedicated to live concerts, forcing them to opt for suboptimal spaces or simply avoid certain cities altogether, all of which prevents the industry from scaling up, says Anmol Kukreja, the co-founder of Skillbox, a live entertainment company that has organised more than 300 concerts.

Unlike a lot of western countries where concert venues are plenty, he says that events in India have to be held in places like malls, sports stadiums or on public land – all of which come with their own limitations and many variables.

A mall might have better toilets and designated parking areas, but it won’t necessarily be able to accommodate huge crowds the way a large barren ground located in a far-flung corner of the city with bad connectivity might.

Nowadays, a lot of music events are held inside public stadiums to minimise some of the inconveniences – but that comes with its own challenges, such as poor sound quality, crowd management issues and lots of red tape.

Government-owned venues are more suitable for big events, but the process of booking them can often be a complex “web of permissions and licences, making them less attractive”, Mr Kukreja says.

To address these gaps, organisers end up spending thousands of dollars on building temporary infrastructure at venues – the stage, temporary bathrooms and parking spaces – before each concert which could incur serious losses, adds Tej Brar, founder of Mumbai-based Third Culture and the director of NH7, one of India’s biggest music festivals.

And it’s not just business that suffers, the live music scene is impacted too, as a whole segment of smaller and independent artists are left out because they are not “big enough” to make people want to pay an exorbitant price to watch them.

“If they can’t pull crowds of more than 10,000 people or more, they usually won’t get shows because the economics won’t work for the organisers.”

But of late, even major international music festivals with star-studded line-ups and million-dollar budgets have left fans disappointed.

“Everything is fine but why can’t you have clean toilets?” asks Sreoshi Mukherjee, a Delhi-based journalist.

Ms Mukherjee, who attends music concerts around the country, was particularly aghast by the lack of washrooms at Lollapalooza and Backstreet Boys, tickets for which cost anywhere between 5,000 ($59; £47) and 10,000 ($118; £94) rupees.

“There was a point when the loos ran out of both toilet paper and water. We had to actually buy water bottles to relieve ourselves,” she says.

Criticism against inflated ticket prices turning these events into highbrow cultural experiences meant for only a few has been mounting, but there are other accessibility concerns as well.

Most venues have little to no arrangements for people with disabilities – such as wheelchair access and audio description. At Dosanjh’s Chandigarh concert, Ms Kaur said they had to carry their wheelchair-using friend into the venue as there was no ramp or accessibility lane.

The BBC has reached out to the organisers of all the events mentioned in the story for comment.

Others in the business say there can’t be a one-size-fits all solution for the problems, but they worry about its longer impact on business. Right now, people are still willing to pay. But persistently poor facilities might change their minds.

“Word-of-mouth plays a crucial role in event attendance, and negative feedback can be damaging to an organiser’s reputation,” Mr Brar says.

But the onus to fix that, he adds, needs to be shared. “While the company takes charge of choosing the location and setting ticket prices, the venue should provide fundamental amenities. Adequate washroom facilities and dedicated cleaning staff should be a venue standard.”

As the country gears up to host big names like Sheeran and Green Day, fans are hoping for a better experience.

And for some, huge crowds and the risk of a potential infection still feels like a small price for seeing their favourite star.

“There’s a thrill to the mess and chaos,” says Mohammad Sami, a student.

“It’s like you’re stuck on an island with hundreds of strangers, united by their determination to survive the night.”

Residents in an Australian region engulfed by bushfires were given two hours to return home to collect their belongings before Christmas on Tuesday, as emergency crews try to contain the blaze.

Communities around the Grampians, in Victoria, have been evacuated amid warnings from authorities that conditions there in the days ahead could be the worst since Australia’s most severe fire season on record, the so-called “Black Summer” of 2019-20.

The bushfires have already burnt over 41,000 hectares (101,000 acres) of land in the past week, however there have been no deaths or loss of property.

Intense heat forecast for Boxing Day has also prompted a string of fire warnings across the country.

Throughout Victoria, temperatures are expected to reach 40C (104F) and be accompanied by strong dry winds, while parts of South Australia and New South Wales could also face bushfire conditions on Thursday into Friday.

“We’re expecting to see extreme fire danger across almost the entire state,” Luke Hegarty, a spokesman for Victoria’s State Control Centre, said.

“This is the most significant fire danger that the state has seen – across the whole sections of state that we’re talking about – since Black Summer. It’s important that people understand that Thursday is a day with serious potential,” he added.

Four interstate firefighting forces and two incident management teams – made up of over 100 personnel – will land in Victoria in the coming days to provide reprieve for emergency crews that have been working around the clock to fight the current fires.

The decision to give families around the Grampians temporary access to their homes “to get Christmas items … presents and the like” on Tuesday morning was made by the state’s Country Fire Authority (CFA) chief officer, Jason Heffernan.

“[This is] to ensure if the residents of Halls Gap will be relocated for Christmas, at least they will have what they need,” he told Seven’s Sunrise programme.

Mary Ann Brown, who lives on the southern edge of the Grampians National Park, told the ABC that her community are on edge heading into the holidays.

“We are not out of the woods until we get a really good drop of rain and that may not come until March or April, so it’s going to be a long summer.”

Parts of Australia have been on high alert for bushfire danger this summer, following several quieter seasons compared with the 2019-20 fires which were linked to hundreds of deaths and swept across 24 million hectares of land.

The country has reeled from disaster to disaster in recent years, experiencing both record breaking floods and extreme heat, as it feels the effects of climate change.

With just weeks left in office, US President Joe Biden has commuted the sentences of 37 of 40 federal death row inmates – potentially thwarting President-elect Donald Trump’s plans to expand federal executions during his upcoming administration.

Biden’s move was swiftly condemned by Republicans, with some accusing the president of siding with criminals over law-abiding Americans.

Federal executions were relatively rare before Trump’s first term in office, which finished with a flurry of executions that ended a 130-year-old precedent of pausing executions amid a presidential transition.

He has vowed to resume the practice when he returns to the White House in January, setting the stage for possible legal battles early in the administration.

Here’s what we know.

On Monday, Biden commuted the sentences of 37 out of 40 death row inmates, switching their penalty to life without parole.

Only three inmates were left to face the death penalty, including convicted Boston marathon bomber Dzhokhar Tsarnaev and Robert Bowers, who was sentenced to death for killing 11 worshippers and wounding seven during a shooting at a the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh in 2018.

The third, Dylann Roof, was sentenced to death in 2017 for a mass shooting that left nine black parishioners dead at the Mother Emanuel AME church in Charleston, South Carolina, in 2015.

While the move was widely praised by human rights groups such as Amnesty International, it was quickly condemned by some Republicans, as well as Trump’s transition team and political allies.

In a statement, Trump communications director Steven Cheung said that “these are among the worst killers in the world and this abhorrent decision by Joe Biden is a slap in the face to the victims, their families, and their loved ones.

“President Trump stands for the rule of law, which will return when he is back in the White House,” he added.

Texas Republican Chip Roy, for example, tweeted that the decision was “unconscionable” and an abuse of power “to carry out a miscarriage of justice”.

Another Republican, Arkansas Senator Tom Cotton, said that “when given the choice between law-abiding Americans or criminals, Joe Biden and the Democrats choose criminals every time.”

Some family members also expressed anger.

On Facebook, Heather Turner – whose mother was killed in a 2017 bank robbery – called the commutations a “gross abuse of power”.

“At no point did the president consider the victims,” she wrote. “He, and his supporters, have blood on their hands.”

The commutations do not apply to the approximately 2,200 death row inmates convicted by state courts, over which the president holds no authority.

Over the course of his election campaign, Trump vowed to resume federal executions and make more people eligible to receive the death penalty, including those convicted of raping children or drug and human-trafficking cases, as well as migrants who kill US citizens or police officers.

“These are terrible, terrible, horrible people who are responsible for death, carnage and crime all over the country,” Trump said when he announced his presidential candidacy in 2022.

“We’re going to be asking everyone who sells drugs, gets caught, to receive the death penalty for their heinous acts,” he added.

There are more than 40 federal laws that can, in theory, result in the death penalty, ranging from murders committed during a drug-related shooting to genocide.

Almost all – with the exception of espionage and treason – explicitly involve the death of a victim.

Trump, however, has provided few details on how he plans to accomplish his campaign pledge.

Despite the lack of clarity, Trump’s vows to expand the federal death penalty have elicited strong warnings from human rights advocates.

In an 11 December statement, for example, the American Civil Liberties Union said Trump’s “chilling” plans amount to an expansion of the “killing spree he initiated in the final six months of his first presidency”.

“He’s already shown us that he will act on these promises,” the statement said.

The inmates executed during the waning days of Trump’s first administration included Lisa Montgomery, the first woman executed by the federal government since 1953, and Lezmond Mitchell, the only Native American on federal death row.

Trump’s efforts to expand the death penalty to crimes that do not involve murder are likely to face legal challenges.

In 2008, for example, the Supreme Court ruled that those convicted of raping children cannot be executed, adding that it’s unclear if the death penalty could be applied to crimes in which a victim is not killed.

According to the National Registry of Exonerations, cases with child victims are particularly prone to wrongful convictions, can be “extremely emotional” and pit family members against one another.

Any further expansion of crimes that are eligible for the federal death penalty would require Congress to act and change the law.

In 2024, two bills – both sponsored by Florida Republican and Trump ally Anna Paulina Luna – sought to expand the use of capital offences to include possession of child pornography, as well as the trafficking, exploitation and abuse of children.

Both failed to pass in the House of Representatives.

Trump is also unlikely to be able to quickly re-populate the pool of federal death row inmates, as most death penalty cases take years and are subject to lengthy appeals processes.

While he does not have any direct authority over state executions, some experts have warned that Trump’s pro-death penalty stance may trigger more executions at a state level.

“His rhetoric can and has spurred draconian measures and attitudes by leaders in states on several issues, including in the context of the criminal legal system,” Yasmin Cader, a deputy legal director at the American Civil Liberties Union and director of the Trone Center for Justice and Equality told CNN.

In addition to the federal government and US military, 27 US states still have the death penalty on the books.

A Gallup poll conducted in October found that a slim majority of Americans – 53% – support the death penalty for convicted murderers, up from 50% a year before.

Honda and Nissan plan to merge as the two Japanese firms seek to fight back against competition from the Chinese car industry.

Joining forces would create one of the world’s biggest car producers alongside Toyota, Volkswagen, General Motors and Ford.

The potentially multibillion dollar deal to combat “the rise of Chinese power” was a key driver behind the plan, said Honda’s chief executive Toshihiro Mibe.

Mr Mibe said a plan to “fight back” needs to be in place by 2030, or they risk being “beaten” by rivals.

The merger, which would include Mitsubishi – of which Nissan is the biggest shareholder – would allow all three companies to share resources against other electric vehicle competitors such as Tesla.

The growing electric car market has been increasingly dominated by Chinese-made electric vehicles, including BYD, which have posed a threat to some of the world’s best known car firms.

“There is a rise of Chinese power and emerging forces and the structure of the automobile industry is changing,” Mr Mibe told reporters at a press conference announcing the merger talks.

Growing competition in China has left many car makers struggling to compete, as lower labour and manufacturing costs make local firms more nimble and able to price their goods lower than foreign counterparts, making them far more attractive to buyers.

It has led to China becoming the world’s biggest producer of electric vehicles.

In October, EU officials said the Chinese state was unfairly subsidising its EV makers and announced big taxes on imports of EVs from China to the EU, after the majority of member states backed the plans. The tariffs are set to rise from 10% to 45% for the next five years, but there are concerns it could raise EV prices higher for buyers.

The total sales of Nissan and Honda is more than $191bn (£152bn), said Nissan’s chief executive, Makoto Uchida.

In March, the two Japanese car makers agreed to explore a strategic partnership for electric vehicles (EVs).

“The talks started because we believe that we must build up capabilities to fight them, including the current emerging forces, by 2030. Otherwise we will be beaten”, said Mr Mibe.

He added that the deal was not a bailout of Nissan, which has been struggling with falling sales.

In November, Nissan said it will cut around 9,000 jobs as it slashes global production to tackle a drop in sales in China and the US. The cuts mean its global production will be reduced by a fifth.

Nissan, once a symbol of Japan’s car making strength, has spent the past few years trying to regain its footing after the arrest of longtime chief executive Carlos Ghosn.

Mr Ghosn faced charges of financial misconduct when he fled Japan in 2019, and is currently the subject of an Interpol Red Notice, which is a request to law enforcement worldwide to find and arrest a person.

Mr Ghosn, currently in Lebanon, told reporters in December that Nissan’s merger plans were an act of panic and desperation.

Mr Mibe said that any merger would be dependent on the turnaround of Nissan.

Honda and Nissan agreed in March to cooperate in their EV businesses, and in August deepened their ties, agreeing to work together on batteries and other technology.

However, any deal is likely to come under intense political scrutiny in Japan as it may result in job cuts, whilst Nissan is likely to unwind its alliance with French auto firm Renault.

Israel’s defence minister has for the first time acknowledged that Israel killed Hamas’s political leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran in July.

Israel Katz made the comments in a speech vowing to target the heads of the Iran-backed Houthi movement in Yemen, which has been firing missiles and drones at Israel.

Haniyeh was killed in a building where he was staying in the Iranian capital in an attack widely attributed to Israel.

Separately, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said some progress had been made towards agreeing a ceasefire in Gaza with Hamas, but he could not give a timeline for when a deal would be reached.

It comes after a senior Palestinian official told the BBC that talks between Hamas and Israel were 90% complete, but key issues remained.

In his speech, Katz said Israel would “strike hard” at the Houthis and “decapitate” its leadership.

“Just as we did with Haniyeh, [Yahya] Sinwar, and [Hassan] Nasrallah in Tehran, Gaza, and Lebanon, we will do so in Hodeida and Sanaa,” he said, referring to Hezbollah and Hamas leaders who have all been killed this year.

Haniyeh, 62, was widely considered Hamas’s overall leader and played a key role in negotiations aimed at reaching a ceasefire in the Gaza Strip.

After his assassination, Hamas named Yahya Sinwar, its leader in Gaza and one of the chief architects of the 7 October attacks, as the group’s overall leader.

Sinwar was killed by the Israeli military in a chance encounter in Gaza in October and the group is still in the process of choosing a new leader.

Hassan Nasrallah meanwhile was the leader of the Iran-backed Lebanese group Hezbollah – he was assassinated in Beirut in September as Israel dramatically escalated its military campaign against Hezbollah, with which it had been trading near daily cross-border fire since the day after the 7 October attacks.

The Houthis, an Iran-backed rebel group that controls north-western Yemen, began attacking Israeli and international ships in the Red Sea shortly after Israel began targeting Hamas in Gaza last October.

The group has vowed to continue until the war in Gaza ends.

On Saturday, Israel’s military said its attempts to shoot down a projectile launched from Yemen were unsuccessful and the missile struck a park in Tel Aviv. A Houthi spokesman said the group hit a military target using a hypersonic ballistic missile.

Last week Israel launched strikes against what it said were Houthi military targets, hitting ports as well as energy infrastructure in the Yemeni capital Sanaa. The US and UK have also attacked Houthi targets as part of an operation to protect international shipping.

Hamas attacked Israel in October last year, killing about 1,200 people and taking 251 people hostage.

In response, Israel launched a military campaign to destroy Hamas in Gaza which has continued for more than a year and has killed 45,317 people according to the Hamas-run health ministry in the Strip.

That figure includes 58 people killed by Israeli attacks over the past 24 hours, Hamas officials said. Local medical officials said that at least 11 people were killed in three separate strikes on the al-Mawasi area, which had been designated a “safe zone” by the Israeli military. Israel said it was targeting a Hamas fighter.

On Monday Israel said three of its soldiers had been killed in the northern Gaza Strip.

Humanitarian and rights groups have warned of a catastrophic situation for civilians in Gaza.

On Sunday Oxfam said just 12 trucks had distributed food and water in northern Gaza over the past two-and-a-half months and blamed the Israeli military for “deliberate delays and systematic obstructions”.

“For three of these, once the food and water had been delivered to the school where people were sheltering, it was then cleared and shelled within hours,” Oxfam added.

The Israeli authorities said the report was “deliberately and inaccurately” ignoring the “extensive humanitarian efforts made by Israel in the northern Gaza Strip”.

Israel insisted that specific shipments “including food, water, and medical supplies” had been sent to northern areas of Gaza, including Beit Hanoun, Beit Lahia and Jabalia, where the Israeli military has for several months been carrying out a military operation that it says is targeting Hamas fighters who had regrouped there.

The Oxfam report comes after rights groups Amnesty accused Israel of committing genocide in Gaza and Human Rights Watch (HRW) accused Israel of committing “acts of genocide” by deliberately depriving Palestinian civilians in Gaza of adequate access to water.

Israel’s foreign ministry described the Amnesty report as “entirely false and based on lies” while the Israeli foreign ministry’s spokesman said Human Rights Watch was “once more spreading its blood libels… The truth is the complete opposite of HRW’s lies”.

Two-year-old Shaina is hooked up to an intravenous drip at one of the few functioning hospitals in Haiti’s capital, Port-au-Prince. Her mother, Venda, desperately hopes it will alleviate the acute malnutrition the emaciated young girl is suffering from.

Shaina is one of 760,000 children who are on the brink of famine in Haiti.

Terrified of the gang warfare raging in her neighbourhood, for weeks Venda was too frightened to leave her home to seek treatment for her daughter.

Now that she has made it to the paediatric ward, she hopes it is not too late for Shaina.

“I want to get proper care for my child, I don’t want to lose her,” she says tearfully.

Haiti has been engulfed in a wave of gang violence since the assassination in 2021 of the then-president, Jovenel Moïse, and now an estimated 85% of the capital is under gang control.

Even inside the hospital, Haitians are not safe from the fighting, which the UN says has killed 5,000 people this year alone and left the country on the verge of collapse.

The hospital’s medical director explains that the previous day, police clashed with gang members in the emergency ward among terrified patients.

The victims of the violence are everywhere. One ward is full of young men with gunshot wounds.

Pierre is one of them.

He says he was walking home from work when he was caught in the crossfire of one street battle, with a bullet ripping through his collar bone.

“I think if the government were more stable and had put in place better youth programmes, they would not get involved in the gangs,” he says of the young men who make up a large proportion of the groups terrorising the capital.

To combat the growing violence, the UN Security Council authorised the establishment of a Multinational Security Support Mission (MSS) in October 2023.

Funded primarily by the US, the Kenyan-led force deployed to Haiti six months ago tasked with restoring law and order.

On a patrol in downtown Port-au-Prince, the ferocity of the gang violence is clear.

Kenyan officers drive along the streets in heavily armoured personnel carriers (APC) through once bustling areas of the capital that now lie deserted. Shops and houses are boarded up.

Burnt out cars and debris are piled high along the side streets – barricades built by the gangs to block access.

The convoy weaves its way through the rubble when suddenly it comes under fire.

Bullets slam into the APC’s armour as the Kenyan police shoot back with their assault rifles through gun ports in the vehicle’s walls.

After nearly an hour of back-and-forth gunfire, the convoy moves on.

But it is not long before there are signs of more horrific gang violence. A human body burns in the middle of the street.

One of the Kenyan police in our APC says he suspects it was a gang member cornered and killed by a rival group, his body set alight to send a gruesome warning.

The Kenyan officers on our patrol are by now well accustomed to seeing this sort of brutality on the streets of Port-au-Prince, but they also tell us they are exhausted.

Four hundred officers arrived in June – but they are hugely outnumbered. In July, Haiti’s government estimated there were 12,000 armed gang members in the country.

The Kenyans were promised additional personnel. When the UN authorised the mission, a force of 2,500 was envisioned, but that support, which was supposed to arrive in November, has yet to materialise.

Despite the situation, the force’s leadership remains optimistic. Commander Godfrey Otunge is under pressure from the Kenyan government to make a success of this mission.

The mission commander says there is “overwhelming support” for the MSS in Haiti.

“The population are demanding that our team extend and go to other places and pacify,” he says.

The uphill struggle they face is clear at a former Haitian police station, which had been occupied by a gang but has now been re-taken by the Kenyan forces.

It is still entirely surrounded by gangs and, as officers head up to the roof, they come under sniper fire.

The Kenyan officers shoot back while urging everyone to remain low.

The Kenyan officers say some of their much-delayed additional forces will arrive by the end of this year, bringing their total to 1,000.

And the support is urgently needed. There are areas in Port-au-Prince which are under such tight gang control they are virtually impenetrable for the police.

In one such area, Wharf Jérémie, almost 200 civilians were killed by a single gang over the space of one weekend earlier in December.

In total, as many as 100 gangs are estimated to be operating in the Port-au-Prince area, with boys as young as nine joining their ranks.

And the problem only appears to be growing. According to the UN children’s agency, Unicef, the number of children recruited to the gangs has soared by 70% in a year.

One of the gang leaders to whom they flock is Ti Lapli, whose real name is Renel Destina.

As head of the Gran Ravine gang, he commands more than 1,000 men from his fortified headquarters high above Port-au-Prince.

Gangs like his have exacerbated an already dire situation in Haiti, and are known to slaughter, rape and terrorise civilians.

Gran Ravine is infamous for carrying out kidnappings for ransom, a practice which has earned Ti Lapli a place on the FBI’s wanted list.

Ti Lapli tells us that he and his gang members “love our country a lot” – but when pressed on the rapes and murders gangs like his inflict on civilians, he claimed his men “do things they weren’t supposed to do [to members of rival gangs] because the same is done to us”.

The reason children join Gran Ravine is simple, he says: “The government doesn’t create any jobs, it’s a country with no economic activity whatsoever. We are living on trash, it’s basically a failed state.”

He failed to acknowledge the strangulating impact gangs like his have on Haiti’s economy. Often afraid to leave their homes for work, civilians are regularly extorted for money, too.

With 700,000 residents forced to flee their homes due to the violence inflicted by groups such as Gran Ravine, the capital’s schools have become camps for internally displaced people.

Negociant is one of those who has had to seek shelter.

She sits with her five children, squeezed onto the small section of a school balcony they now call home.

“Just weeks ago I was living in my own house,” she says. “But gangs took over my neighbourhood.”

She explains that she left for an area of the city called Solino, until that too was overrun by gangs and she fled along with hundreds of other people.

“Today, again, I’m on the run to save my life and my children,” she says.

The British-born wife of deposed Syrian president Bashar al-Assad is not seeking a divorce, a Kremlin spokesman has said.

Reports in Turkish media had suggested Asma al-Assad wanted to end her marriage and leave Russia, where she and her husband were granted asylum after a rebel coalition overthrew the former president’s regime and took control of Damascus.

Asked about the reports in a news conference call, Dmitry Peskov said, “No, they do not correspond to reality.”

He also denied reports that Assad had been confined to Moscow and that his property assets had been frozen.

Russia was a staunch ally of the Assad regime and offered it military support during the civil war.

But reports in Turkish media on Sunday suggested the Assads were living under severe restrictions in the Russian capital, and that the former Syrian first lady had filed for divorce and wanted to return to London.

Mrs Assad is a dual Syrian-British national, but the UK foreign secretary has previously said she would not be allowed to return to Britain.

Speaking in parliament earlier this month, David Lammy said: “I want it confirmed that she’s a sanctioned individual and is not welcome here in the UK.”

He added he would do “everything I can in my power” to ensure no member of the Assad family “finds a place in the UK”.

In a statement attributed to Bashar al-Assad last week, he said he had never intended to flee Syria, but he was airlifted from a Russian military base at Moscow’s request.

Asma al-Assad, 49, was born in the UK to Syrian parents in 1975 and grew up in Acton, west London.

She moved to Syria in 2000 at the age of 25 and married her husband just months after he succeeded his father as president.

Throughout her 24 years as Syria’s first lady, Mrs Assad was a subject of curiosity in western media.

A controversial 2011 Vogue profile called her “a rose in the desert” and described her as “the freshest and most magnetic of first ladies”. The article has since been removed from the Vogue website.

Just one month later, Mrs Assad was criticised for remaining silent while her husband violently repressed pro-democracy campaigners at the start of the Syrian civil war.

The conflict went on to claim the lives of around half a million people, with her husband accused of using chemical weapons against civilians.

In 2016, Mrs Assad told Russian state-backed television she had rejected a deal to offer her safe passage out of the war-torn nation in order to stand by her husband.

She announced she was being treated for breast cancer in 2018 and said she had made a full recovery one year later.

She was diagnosed with leukaemia and began treatment for the disease in May this year, the office of then-President Assad announced.

A statement said she would “temporarily withdraw” from public engagements.

Greenland has once again said it is not for sale after US President-elect Donald Trump said he wanted to take control of the territory.

“Greenland belongs to the people of Greenland,” its prime minister said on Monday, a day after Trump repeated comments about the Arctic island that he first made several years ago.

Greenland, which is an autonomous Danish territory, is home to a large US space facility and lies on the shortest route from the US to Europe, meaning it is strategically important for America.

There was no immediate response to Trump’s comments from Denmark.

Writing on his social media platform, Truth Social, on Sunday, the US president-elect said: “For purposes of National Security and Freedom throughout the World, the United States of America feels that the ownership and control of Greenland is an absolute necessity.”

His comments prompted a sharp rebuke from Greenland’s Prime Minister Mute Egede, who said: “We are not for sale and we will not be for sale.”

“We must not lose our long struggle for freedom. However, we must continue to be open to co-operation and trade with the whole world, especially with our neighbours,” he said.

Trump’s controversial remarks came hours after he announced that he intended to nominate Ken Howery, his former ambassador to Sweden, to be the new ambassador to Denmark.

Mr Howery said he was “deeply humbled” by the nomination and looked forward to working with the staff at the US embassy in Copenhagen and the US consulate in Greenland to “deepen the bonds between our countries”.

Trump’s original suggestion in 2019 that the US acquire Greenland, which is the world’s largest island, led to a similarly sharp rebuke from leaders there.

The then Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederickson, who still holds the role, described the idea as “absurd”, leading Trump to cancel a state trip to the country.

He is not the first US president to suggest buying Greenland. The idea was first mooted during the 1860s under the presidency of Andrew Johnson.

Separately on Sunday, Donald Trump threatened to reassert control over the Panama Canal, one of the world’s most important waterways – accusing Panama of charging excessive fees for access to it.

Panama’s president later said “every square metre” of the canal and surrounding area belonged to his country.

The suspect accused of killing UnitedHealthCare CEO Brian Thompson has pleaded not guilty to murder and terrorism charges in New York state.

Luigi Mangione, 26, appeared in court on Monday to be arraigned on 11 state criminal counts, including murder as an act of terrorism.

As well as the state-level charges, he is also accused of federal (national-level) stalking and murder offences that could lead to a death penalty sentence.

Prosecutors allege that Mr Mangione shot Mr Thompson in central Manhattan before going on the run. Authorities later arrested him at a McDonald’s in Pennsylvania.

Mr Mangione appeared in court on Monday wearing a maroon sweater, white-collared shirt and khaki trousers.

In addition to a long stream of journalists waiting for the suspect to appear, members of the public – almost all of them young women – were in court, some of whom told CBS, the BBC’s US partner, that they were there to show their support.

Mr Mangione is facing 11 state criminal counts in New York, including first-degree murder and murder as a crime of terrorism.

If convicted of all the counts, he would face a mandatory sentence of life in prison without the possibility of parole.

Federal prosecutors have also separately charged Mr Mangione for using a firearm to commit murder and interstate stalking resulting in death. Both charges could make him eligible for the death penalty.

He has yet to enter a plea on those charges.

Prosecutors have said the federal and state cases will move forward parallel with one another.

In court last week, Mr Mangione’s lawyer – Karen Friedman Agnifilo – said that the two sets of charges appear to conflict, with the state charges accusing him of seeking to “intimidate or coerce a civilian population” while the federal charges focus on crimes against an individual.

Ms Agnifilo said that the overlapping cases were “confusing” and “highly unusual”.

“I’ve never seen anything like what is happening here” in 30 years of practising law, she said.

In court on Monday, she further told the judge that she believed that statements from government officials – including New York City Mayor Eric Adams – make her “very concerned about my client’s right to a fair trial”.

“This is a young man,” she said. “He is being treated like a human ping-pong ball between two warring jurisdictions here.”

She also accused state and federal authorities of treating Mr Mangione like “political fodder” and a “spectacle” by bringing him back to New York by helicopter, surrounded by officials and armed guards, in full view of cameras and journalists.

The judge, Gregory Carro, said that he is unable to control what happens outside court, but vowed that Mr Mangione would receive a fair trial.

In response, the state’s prosecutor said that he had never seen a case with a “higher volume” of quality evidence.

The suspect is currently in federal custody at the Metropolitan Detention Center (MDC) Brooklyn after being returned to New York amid heavy security last week.

Authorities believe that Mr Mangione carried out a targeted killing of Mr Thompson, pointing to evidence that he was angry at the US healthcare industry.

The federal complaint notes that a notebook found in Mr Mangione’s possession expressed “hostility towards the health insurance industry and wealthy executives in particular.”

Some on social media praised Mr Mangione’s alleged crimes, often sharing their own anger at the US private healthcare system.

Speaking to CBS, the BBC’s US partner, on Sunday, Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas said that the online rhetoric has been “extraordinarily alarming”.

“It speaks of what is really bubbling here in this country,” he said. “And unfortunately we see that manifested in violence, the domestic violent extremism that exists.”

Hundreds of Tibetans protesting against a Chinese dam were rounded up in a harsh crackdown earlier this year, with some beaten and seriously injured, the BBC has learnt from sources and verified footage.

Such protests are extremely rare in Tibet, which China has tightly controlled since it annexed the region in the 1950s. That they still happened highlights China’s controversial push to build dams in what has long been a sensitive area.

Claims of the arrests and beatings began trickling out shortly after the events in February. In the following days authorities further tightened restrictions, making it difficult for anyone to verify the story, especially journalists who cannot freely travel to Tibet.

But the BBC has spent months tracking down Tibetan sources whose family and friends were detained and beaten. BBC Verify has also examined satellite imagery and verified leaked videos which show mass protests and monks begging the authorities for mercy.

The sources live outside of China and are not associated with activist groups. But they did not wish to be named for safety reasons.

In response to our queries, the Chinese embassy in the UK did not confirm nor deny the protests or the ensuing crackdown.

But it said: “China is a country governed by the rule of law, and strictly safeguards citizens’ rights to lawfully express their concerns and provide opinions or suggestions.”

The protests, followed by the crackdown, took place in a territory home to Tibetans in Sichuan province. For years, Chinese authorities have been planning to build the massive Gangtuo dam and hydropower plant, also known as Kamtok in Tibetan, in the valley straddling the Dege (Derge) and Jiangda (Jomda) counties.

Once built, the dam’s reservoir would submerge an area that is culturally and religiously significant to Tibetans, and home to several villages and ancient monasteries containing sacred relics.

One of them, the 700-year-old Wangdui (Wontoe) Monastery, has particular historical value as its walls feature rare Buddhist murals.

The Gangtuo dam would also displace thousands of Tibetans. The BBC has seen what appears to be a public tender document for the relocation of 4,287 residents to make way for the dam.

The BBC contacted an official listed on the tender document as well as Huadian, the state-owned enterprise reportedly building the dam. Neither have responded.

Plans to build the dam were first approved in 2012, according to a United Nations special rapporteurs letter to the Chinese government. The letter, which is from July 2024, raised concerns about the dam’s “irreversible impact” on thousands of people and the environment.

From the start, residents were not “consulted in a meaningful way” about the dam, according to the letter. For instance, they were given information that was inadequate and not in the Tibetan language.

They were also promised by the government that the project would only go ahead if 80% of them agreed to it, but “there is no evidence this consent was ever given,” the letter goes on to say, adding that residents tried to raise concerns about the dam several times.

Chinese authorities, however, denied this in their response to the UN. “The relocation of the villages in question was carried out only after full consultation of the opinions of the local residents,” the Permanent Mission of the People’s Republic of China to the United Nations office said in a letter from September 2024.

It added: “Local government and project developers funded the construction of new homes and provided subsidies for grazing, herding and farming. As for any cultural relics, they were relocated in their entirety.”

But the BBC understands from two Tibetan sources that, in February, officials had told them they would be evicted imminently, while giving them little information about resettlement options and compensation.

This triggered such deep anxiety that villagers and Buddhist monks decided to stage protests, despite knowing the risks of a crackdown.

The largest one saw hundreds gathering outside a government building in Dege. In a video clip obtained and verified by the BBC, protesters can be heard calling on authorities to stop the evictions and let them stay.

Separately, a group of residents approached visiting officials and pleaded with them to cancel plans to build the dam. The BBC has obtained footage which appears to show this incident, and verified it took place in the village of Xiba.

The clip shows red-robed monks and villagers kneeling on a dusty road and showing a thumbs-up, a traditional Tibetan way of begging for mercy.

In the past the Chinese government has been quick to stamp out resistance to authority, especially in Tibetan territory where it is sensitive to anything that could potentially feed separatist sentiment.

It was no different this time. Authorities swiftly launched their crackdown, arresting hundreds of people at protests while also raiding homes across the valley, according to one of our sources.

One unverified but widely shared clip appears to show Chinese policemen shoving a group of monks on a road, in what is thought to be an arrest operation.

Many were detained for weeks and some were beaten badly, according to our Tibetan sources whose family and friends were targeted in the crackdown.

One source shared fresh details of the interrogations. He told the BBC that a childhood friend was detained and interrogated over several days.

“He was asked questions and treated nicely at first. They asked him ‘who asked you to participate, who is behind this’.

“Then, when he couldn’t give them [the] answers they wanted, he was beaten by six or seven different security personnel over several days.”

His friend sustained only minor injuries, and was freed within a few days. But others were not so lucky.

Another source told the BBC that more than 20 of his relatives and friends were detained for participating in the protests, including an elderly person who was more than 70 years old.

“Some of them sustained injuries all over their body, including in their ribs and kidneys, from being kicked and beaten… some of them were sick because of their injuries,” he said.

Similar claims of physical abuse and beatings during the arrests have surfaced in overseas Tibetan media reports.

The UN letter also notes reports of detentions and use of force on hundreds of protesters, stating they were “severely beaten by the Chinese police, resulting in injuries that required hospitalisation”.

After the crackdown, Tibetans in the area encountered even tighter restrictions, the BBC understands. Communication with the outside world was further limited and there was increased surveillance. Those who are still contactable have been unwilling to talk as they fear another crackdown, according to sources.

The first source said while some released protesters were eventually allowed to travel elsewhere in Tibetan territory, others have been slapped with orders restricting their movement.

This has caused problems for those who need to go to hospital for medical treatment and nomadic tribespeople who need to roam across pastures with their herds, he said.

The second source said he last heard from his relatives and friends at the end of February: “When I got through, they said not to call any more as they would get arrested. They were very scared, they would hang up on me.

“We used to talk over WeChat, but now that is not possible. I’m totally blocked from contacting all of them,” he said.

“The last person I spoke to was a younger female cousin. She said, ‘It’s very dangerous, a lot of us have been arrested, there’s a lot of trouble, they have hit a lot of us’… They didn’t know what was going to happen to them next.”

The BBC has been unable to find any mention of the protests and crackdown in Chinese state media. But shortly after the protests, a Chinese Communist Party official visited the area to “explain the necessity” of building the dam and called for “stability maintenance measures”, according to one report.

A few months later, a tender was awarded for the construction of a Dege “public security post”, according to documents posted online.

The letter from Chinese authorities to the UN suggests villagers have already been relocated and relics moved, but it is unclear how far the project has progressed.

The BBC has been monitoring the valley via satellite imagery for months. For now, there is no sign of the dam’s construction nor demolition of the villages and monasteries.

The Chinese embassy told us authorities were still conducting geological surveys and specialised studies to build the dam. They added the local government is “actively and thoroughly understanding the demands and aspirations” of residents.

China is no stranger to controversy when it comes to dams.

When the government constructed the world’s biggest dam in the 90s – the Three Gorges on the Yangtze River – it saw protests and criticism over its handling of relocation and compensation for thousands of villagers.

In more recent years, as China has accelerated its pivot from coal to clean energy sources, such moves have become especially sensitive in Tibetan territories.

Beijing has been eyeing the steep valleys and mighty rivers here, in the rural west, to build mega-dams and hydropower stations that can sustain China’s electricity-hungry eastern metropolises. President Xi Jinping has personally pushed for this, a policy called “xidiandongsong”, or “sending western electricity eastwards”.

Like Gangtuo, many of these dams are on the Jinsha (Dri Chu) river, which runs through Tibetan territories. It forms the upper reaches of the Yangtze river and is part of what China calls the world’s largest clean energy corridor.

Gangtuo is in fact the latest in a series of 13 dams planned for this valley, five of which are already in operation or under construction.

The Chinese government and state media have presented these dams as a win-win solution that cuts pollution and generates clean energy, while uplifting rural Tibetans.

In its statement to the BBC, the Chinese embassy said clean energy projects focus on “promoting high-quality economic development” and “enhancing the sense of gain and happiness among people of all ethnic groups”.

But the Chinese government has long been accused of violating Tibetans’ rights. Activists say the dams are the latest example of Beijing’s exploitation of Tibetans and their land.

“What we are seeing is the accelerated destruction of Tibetan religious, cultural and linguistic heritage,” said Tenzin Choekyi, a researcher with rights group Tibet Watch. “This is the ‘high-quality development’ and ‘ecological civilisation’ that the Chinese government is implementing in Tibet.”

One key issue is China’s relocation policy that evicts Tibetans from their homes to make way for development – it is what drove the protests by villagers and monks living near the Gangtuo dam. More than 930,000 rural Tibetans are estimated to have been relocated since 2000, according to Human Rights Watch (HRW).

Beijing has always maintained that these relocations happen only with the consent of Tibetans, and that they are given housing, compensation and new job opportunities. State media often portrays it as an improvement in their living conditions.

But rights groups paint a different picture, with reports detailing evidence of coercion, complaints of inadequate compensation, cramped living conditions, and lack of jobs. They also point out that relocation severs the deep, centuries-old connection that rural Tibetans share with their land.

“These people will essentially lose everything they own, their livelihoods and community heritage,” said Maya Wang, interim China director at HRW.

There are also environmental concerns over the flooding of Tibetan valleys renowned for their biodiversity, and the possible dangers of building dams in a region rife with earthquake fault lines.

Some Chinese academics have found the pressure from accumulated water in dam reservoirs could potentially increase the risk of quakes, including in the Jinsha river. This could cause catastrophic flooding and destruction, as seen in 2018, when rain-induced landslides occurred at a village situated between two dam construction sites on Jinsha.

The Chinese embassy told us that the implementation of any clean energy project “will go through scientific planning and rigorous demonstration, and will be subject to relevant supervision”.

In recent years, China has passed laws safeguarding the environment surrounding the Yangtze River and the Qinghai-Tibetan plateau. President Xi has personally stressed the need to protect the Yangtze’s upper reaches.

About 424 million yuan (£45.5m, $60m) has been spent on environmental conservation along Jinsha, according to state media. Reports have also highlighted efforts to quake-proof dam projects.

Multiple Tibetan rights groups, however, argue that any large-scale development in Tibetan territory, including dams such as Gangtuo, should be halted.

They have staged protests overseas and called for an international moratorium, arguing that companies participating in such projects would be “allowing the Chinese government to profit from the occupation and oppression of Tibetans”.

“I really hope that this [dam-building] stops,” one of our sources said. “Our ancestors were here, our temples are here. We have been here for generations. It is very painful to move. What kind of life would we have if we leave?”

Kennesaw, Georgia, has all the small-town fixings one might imagine in the American South.

There’s the smell of baked biscuits wafting from Honeysuckle Biscuits & Bakery and the rumble of a nearby railroad train. It’s the kind of place where newlyweds leave hand-written thank-you cards in coffee shops, praising the “cozy” atmosphere.

But there’s another aspect of Kennesaw that some might find surprising – a city law from the 1980s that legally requires residents to own guns and ammo.

“It’s not like you go around wearing it on your hip like the Wild Wild West,” said Derek Easterling, the town’s three-term mayor and self-described “retired Navy guy”.

“We’re not going to go knock on your door and say, ‘Let me see your weapon.'”

Kennesaw’s gun law plainly states: “In order to provide for and protect the safety, security and general welfare of the city and its inhabitants, every head of household residing in city limits is required to maintain a firearm, together with ammunition.”

Residents with mental or physical disabilities, felony convictions, or conflicting religious beliefs are exempt from the law.

To Mayor Easterling’s knowledge, and that of multiple local officials, there have been no prosecutions or arrests made for violating Article II, Sec 34-21, which came into law in 1982.

And no one that the BBC spoke to could say what the penalty would be for being found in violation.

Still, the mayor insisted: “It’s not a symbolic law. I’m not into things just for show.”

For some, the law is a source of pride, a nod to the city’s embrace of gun culture.

For others, it’s a source of embarrassment, a page in a chapter of history they wish to move beyond.

But the main belief amongst the townsfolk about the gun law is that it keeps Kennesaw safe.

Patrons eating pepperoni slices at the local pizza parlour will propose: “If anything, criminals need to be concerned, because if they break into your home, and you’re there, they don’t know what you got.”

There were no murders in 2023, according to Kennesaw Police Department data, but there were two gun-involved suicides.

Blake Weatherby, a groundskeeper at the Kennesaw First Baptist Church, has different thoughts on why violent crime might be low.

“It’s the attitude behind the guns here in Kennesaw that keep the gun crimes down, not the guns,” Mr Weatherby said.

“It doesn’t matter if it’s a gun or a fork or a fist or a high heel shoe. We protect ourselves and our neighbours.”

Pat Ferris, who joined Kennesaw’s city council in 1984, two years after the law was passed, said the law was created to be “more of a political statement than anything”.

After Morton Grove, Illinois became the first US city to ban gun ownership, Kennesaw became the first city to require it, triggering national news headlines.

A 1982 opinion piece by the New York Times described Kennesaw officials as “jovial” over the law’s passage but noted that “Yankee criminologists” were not.

Penthouse Magazine ran the story on its cover page with the words Gun Town USA: An American Town Where It’s Illegal Not to Own a Gun printed over an image of a bikini-clad blonde woman.

Similar gun laws have been passed in at least five cities, including Gun Barrel City, Texas and Virgin, Utah.

In the 40 years since Kennesaw’s gun law was passed, Mr Ferris said, its existence has mostly faded from consciousness.

“I don’t know how many people even know that the ordinance exists,” he said.

The same year the gun law took effect, Mr Weatherby, the church groundskeeper, was born.

He recalled a childhood where his dad would half-jokingly tell him: “I don’t care if you don’t like guns, it’s the law.”

“I was taught that if you’re a man, you’ve got to own a gun,” he said.

Now 42, he was 12 years old the first time he fired a weapon.

“I almost dropped it because it scared me so bad,” he said.

Mr Weatherby owned over 20 guns at one point but said now he doesn’t own any. He sold them over the years – including the one his dad left him when he died in 2005 – to overcome hard times.

“I needed gas more than guns,” he said.

One place he could’ve gone to sell his firearms is the Deercreek Gun Shop located on Kennesaw’s Main Street.

James Rabun, 36, has been working at the gun store ever since he graduated high school.

It’s the family business, he said, opened by his dad and grandad, both of whom can still be found there today; his dad in the back restoring firearms, his grandad in the front relaxing in a rocking chair.

For obvious reasons, Mr Rabun is a fan of Kennesaw’s gun law. It’s good for business.

“The cool thing about firearms”, he said with earnest enthusiasm, “is that people buy them for self-defence, but a lot of people like them like artwork or like bitcoin – things of scarcity.”

Among the dozens and dozens of weapons hanging on the wall for sale are double barrel black powder shotguns – akin to a musket – and a few “they-don’t-make-these-anymore” Winchester rifles from the 1800s.

In Kennesaw, gun fandom has a broad reach that extends beyond gun shop owners and middle-aged men.

Cris Welsh, a mother of two teenaged daughters, is unabashed about her gun ownership. She hunts, is a member at a gun club, and shoots at the local gun range with her two girls.

“I’m a gun owner”, she admitted, listing off her inventory which includes “a Ruger carry pistol, a Beretta, a Glock, and about half a dozen shotguns”.

However, Ms Welsh is not fond of Kennesaw’s gun law.

“I’m embarrassed when I hear people talk about the gun law,” Ms Welsh said. “It’s just an old Kennesaw thing to hang onto.”

She wished that when outsiders thought of the city, they called to mind the parks and schools and community values – not the gun law “that makes people uncomfortable”.

“There’s so much more to Kennesaw,” she said.

City council member Madelyn Orochena agrees that the law is “something that people would prefer not to advertise”.

“It’s just a weird little factoid about our community,” she said.

“Residents will either roll their eyes in a bit of shame or laugh along about it.”

Mauritius’s deputy prime minister has hinted that negotiations with the UK over the future of the Chagos Islands are being held up over the amount of money involved.

Under the terms of the original agreement, which was announced in October, the UK would relinquish sovereignty to Mauritius over the archipelago but maintain a 99-year lease for Diego Garcia, home to a major UK-US military airbase.

As part of the deal, the UK said it would provide a package of financial support to Mauritius, including annual payments and infrastructure investment, but neither side has said how much is involved.

However a new government in Mauritius, elected since the agreement was first made, has said it wants to see some changes.

The proposed deal has also attracted criticism in the UK, with the opposition Conservative party calling it a “monumental failure of statecraft”.

When the agreement was first made public after years of talks, UK Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer and the then Mauritian Prime Minister Pravind Jugnauth called it a “seminal moment in our relationship and a demonstration of our enduring commitment to the peaceful resolution of disputes and the rule of law”.

It sought to end decades of uncertainty and dispute over the status of the islands.

• New Mauritian PM sends fresh Chagos proposals to UK
• Chagos deal remains on track, says UK minister
• Trump team hostile to Chagos deal, claims Farage

In a joint statement issued on Friday, the UK and Mauritius said they were committed “to finalising a treaty as quickly as possible” that included both the “secure and effective operation of the existing base on Diego Garcia and that Mauritius is sovereign over the archipelago”.

They added that “ongoing conversations” were productive.

The new Mauritian government, elected in a landslide last month, has not been explicit in public about what exactly its problems with the deal were.

But talking to his constituents on Sunday, Deputy Prime Minister Paul Bérenger spoke about the money involved.

“This base existed on our land, on our territory… but not only it is [about] our sovereignty. There are some things you can’t accept if you’re a true patriot. They are trying to make us sign and they are quibbling on a small amount,” he said.

Speaking in parliament last week about the negotiations Bérenger admitted that Mauritius needs “money to get out of the economic mess the previous government got us into, but not at any price, not under any conditions”.

Addressing MPs on Friday, Prime Minister Navin Ramgoolam said that the UK was keen to complete the deal “before [Donald] Trump swears in as president on 20 January”.

Marco Rubio, Trump’s pick for secretary of state, has described the deal as a threat to US security.

Last week in the UK’s House of Commons, Shadow Foreign Secretary Dame Priti Patel accused the Labour government of putting the UK’s national security at risk, ignoring the interests of Chagossians, and “letting our standing go into freefall” in an increasingly dangerous world.

“How much is the British taxpayer going to be liable for each year, and in total, over 99 years?” she asked.

Foreign Office Minister Stephen Doughty insisted the deal would enhance, not damage UK security, saying it would protect the military base’s operation and ensure it was “on a safe footing well into the next century”.

In recent years, the UK has faced rising diplomatic isolation over its claim to what it refers to as the British Indian Ocean Territory, with various United Nations bodies – including its top court and general assembly – overwhelmingly siding with Mauritius and demanding the UK surrender what some have called its “last colony in Africa”.

The government of Mauritius has long argued that it was illegally forced to give the Chagos Islands away in return for its own independence from the UK in 1968.

Until very recently, the UK insisted that Mauritius itself had no legitimate claim to the islands.

• Is this tiny Mauritian island a confidential spy station?
• Chagos islanders in emotional, historic trip home
• British stamps banned from Chagos Islands in Indian Ocean

It belonged to his grandmother. Something solid. A thing to hold in his hands, and run his fingers across, and trace the path of memory. A small thing of beauty, inlaid with a delicate mosaic.

René opens the music box, and a tinkling music begins to play, the same song heard long ago in his Damascus sitting room.

“This is all I have left of my home,” he says.

Everything about this young man suggests gentleness. René Shevan is short in height, slender and speaks softly.

All week his emotions have gone back and forth. Joy at the fall of Bashar al-Assad. Heartbreak at the memories it has triggered of his months in Syrian prisons.

“There was a woman. I still have her image here in my head. She was standing in the corner, and she was pleading…it’s clear that they raped her.

“There was a boy. He was 15 or 16 years old. They were raping him, and he was calling his mother. He was saying, ‘Mama… my mother… Mom.'”

There was his own rape and sexual abuse.

When I first met René, he had just escaped from Syria. That was 12 years ago. He sat opposite me, shaking and in tears, terrified of showing his face on camera.

The secret police had picked him up because he had gone to a pro-democracy demonstration. They also knew that he was gay.

Three of them gang raped René. He begged for mercy, but they laughed.

“Nobody heard me. I was alone,” he recalled back in 2012.

They told him this was what he got for demanding freedom. Another officer abused him every day. For six months he suffered this abuse.

When images appeared on television this week of prisoners walking free in Damascus, René was carried back to images of his own.

“I’m not in prison now, I’m here. But I saw myself in the photos and the images of the people in Syria. I was so happy for them, but I saw myself there… I saw the old version of me there. I saw when they raped me, and when they tortured me. I saw everything in flashback.”

He is weeping and we stop the interview. A few minutes, he says.

I look at his sitting room wall.

There is a photo of his ruined home in Syria, one of René running in a marathon in Utrecht. Then an image of the Jesuit priest, Father Frans Van Der Lugt, 75, a psychotherapist and ecumenical activist in Syria, until he was assassinated in 2014.

It was Father Van Der Lugt who told René – struggling in a deeply conservative environment – that he was a normal human being, that Jesus loved him whatever his sexual orientation was.

René takes a glass of water, then asks to continue our conversation.

Why has he agreed to show his face in front of a camera now, I wondered?

“Because the republic of fear is gone. Because I am I’m not scared of them any more. Because Assad is a refugee in Moscow. Because all the criminals in Syria ran away. Because Syria returned to all Syrian people,” he replies.

“I hope we will be able to live as a people in freedom, in equality. I’m so proud of myself as a Syrian, Dutch, as LGBT.”

That doesn’t mean he feels confident about living in Syria as a gay person just yet.

Under the Assad regime, homosexual acts were criminalised.

The country’s new rulers have fundamentalist religious roots and have been implicated in violence and persecution against gay people.

“There are many Syrian LGBT who fought,” René says.

“They were part of the revolution, and they lost their life. [The Syrian regime] killed them just because they were LGBT, and because they were part of the revolution.”

René tells me he is “realistic” about the prospect of change. He is also concerned that all religious and ethnic groups – including the Kurds – are given protection.

René is among around six million Syrians who fled the country and found safety either in neighbouring countries like Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey – the majority – or further afield in Europe.

Several European countries have already paused asylum applications from Syrians, following the overthrow of the Assad regime. International human rights groups have criticised the move as premature.

There are an estimated one million Syrians in Germany. Among them, a remarkable disabled Kurdish girl I first met in August 2015, when she had joined a vast column of people who had landed on the Greek island of Lesbos.

She travelled on through Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia and Austria on her way north.

To reach Europe from northern Syria, Nujeen had crossed mountains, rivers and the sea – her sister, Nisreen, pushing the wheelchair.

“I want to be an astronaut, and maybe meet an alien. And I want to meet the Queen,” she said.

I crouched beside her on a dusty road, where thousands of asylum seekers lay exhausted in the midday heat. Her good humour and hopefulness were infectious.

This was a girl who taught herself fluent English by watching American television programmes. Nujeen grew up in Aleppo and then, as the war escalated, she went to her family’s hometown of Kobane, a Kurdish stronghold which subsequently came under attack from the Islamic State (IS) group.

I meet her now in the bustling Neumarkt Square in Cologne, surrounded by Christmas market stalls where locals eat sausage and drink mulled wine, and the dramas of Syria seem far away.

But not for Nujeen.

All week she has been up watching television, long after the rest of the family has gone to bed. No matter that she has an exam for her business administration course. She will manage.

Never again, Nujeen understands, will there be a moment quite like the fall of Assad, a moment of such singular hope.

“Nothing lasts forever. Darkness is followed by dawn,” she says.

“I knew that I would never come back to a Syria that had Assad as president, and that we would never have the chance to be a better nation with that man in charge. We knew that we would never find peace unless he’s gone. And now with that chapter over, I think the real challenge begins.”

Like René, she wants a country that is tolerant of diversity and cares for those with disabilities.

“I don’t want to go back to a place where there is no lift and only stairs up to an apartment on the fourth floor.”

As a Kurd, she is well versed in her people’s experience of suffering in the region.

Now, as the Kurdish forces are forced to pull out of cities in the oil producing north, Nujeen sees the danger posed by a new regime that is backed by Turkey.

“We know these people that came into power now. We know the countries and the powers that are backing them, and they’re not exactly fans of Kurds. They do not exactly love us. That’s our biggest worry right now.”

There is also the fear of a potential regrouping of IS if Syria’s new leaders cannot achieve stability in the country.

There are constant calls to family still living in the Kurdish areas.

“They are anxious and worried about the future as we all are,” says Nujeen.

“We never stop calling, and we are always worried if they don’t pick up after the first ring. There’s a lot of uncertainty about what’s going to happen next”.

The uncertainty is amplified by the change in asylum policy in Europe.

Still, this is a young woman whose experience of life – the experience of serious disability since birth, witnessing the terrors of war, travelling across the Middle East and Europe to safety – has created a capacity for hope.

In the near decade that I have known her, it is undimmed. The fall of Assad has only deepened her faith in Syria and its people.

“There are many people who are waiting to see Syria fall into some kind of an abyss,” she says.

“We are not people who hate or envy or want to want to eliminate each other. We are people who were raised to be afraid of each other. But our default setting is that we love and accept who we are.”

“We can and will be a be a better nation – a nation of love, acceptance and peace, not one of chaos, fear and destruction.”

There are many hearts in Syria and beyond who will be hoping she is right.

The wife of detained Ugandan opposition politician Kizza Besigye has denounced as “cruel and inhumane” a ban on prisoners receiving visitors on Christmas Day.

Besigye, 68, has been charged in a military court with possession of pistols and attempting to purchase weapons abroad, which he denies. His trial has been delayed until next month.

Prison authorities say that as part of measures to prevent “potential security lapses”, inmates would not be allowed visitors for seven days, starting on Christmas Eve.

Besigye’s wife Winnie Byanyima, the head of the UN’s organisation to tackle HIV and Aids, said she planned to camp outside the Luzira Prison so that she could see her husband and give him food on Christmas Day.

She told the BBC her husband remains “strong and persevering” in a “tiny little room” behind six prison gates, but she was worried that he could be “harmed”.

“I’m not leaving Besigye’s food at the gate [as directed]. I will go there and see my husband because I don’t trust them with him even for a single day,” Ms Byanyima said.

“Maybe I will take a tent and sleep there… if that’s what they want,” she added.

Besigye has contested and lost four presidential elections against President Yoweri Museveni, who has been in power since 1986.

But the veteran opposition politician has been less active in politics in recent years, and did not contest the 2021 election.

Besigye, however, returned to the headlines last month after he was dramatically abducted while visiting Kenya and forcibly taken to Uganda.

He was then charged along with an aide, Obeid Lutale. He, too, has denied the charges.

• How a Ugandan opposition leader disappeared in Kenya
• Who is Kizza Besigye?

The military court extended Besigye’s detention until 7 January, dashing the hopes of his family that he will be home for Christmas.

Uganda Prisons Services spokesperson Frank Baine Mayanja told local media that the seven-day ban on visitors was intended to tighten security during the festive season, and to prevent escapes.

“Christmas causes excitement and majority of prisoners do not want to have Christmas inside. They must be planning on how to do a prison break and go outside,” Mr Mayanja told NTV Uganda.

The Prison Services had initially announced a ban of almost a month on prison visits, but then reduced the ban to seven days.

Ms Byanyima told the BBC she was also concerned about the recent change of leadership at Luzira prison, questioning why a “young and inexperienced” official had been put in charge of it.

“It is very suspicious and makes me doubt their intentions,” she said.

“I do not trust his [Besigye’s] life with those who abducted him. I will seek to see him as often as I can,” Ms Byanyima added.

Mr Mayanja said the changes in leadership were an “administrative issue” and had nothing to do with Besigye.

He added that Ms Byanyima should trust the authorities to take care of her husband because “we have the means and mechanism of keeping him alive”.

“I think she should let us do our job,” Mr Mayanja said.

This is the second time Besigye, who has had run-ins with Museveni’s government for the last two decades, is spending the Christmas holidays in prison.

In 2005, he was arrested while returning from a political rally ahead of the 2006 presidential polls and charged with treason. The charges were thrown out by the courts.

He was also charged with rape in a separate case. The charges were later dropped. He said all the allegations were part of a campaign of political persecution

In the latest case, Besigye has objected to being tried by a military court, saying he should be tried in a civilian court if there was any case against him.

Museveni has defended the use of military courts to try civilians.

He said any crime involving a gun was dealt with in a military court to ensure the country’s stability as civilian courts took too long to deal with cases.

Hundreds of civilians have been tried in Uganda’s military courts, even though the Constitutional Court has ruled against the practice.

Opposition parties have frequently complained about restrictions on political activities, alleging that Museveni fears political competition.

Museveni’s supporters deny the allegation, and say he has maintained stability during his rule of almost 40 years.

• TikToker jailed for 32 months for insulting Uganda’s president
• Uganda’s Stella Nyanzi bares breasts in protest at jail sentence
• Top designer vows to regrow dreadlocks cut after Uganda arrest
• How an ex-rebel has stayed in power for more than 30 years

From the moment Justin Baldoni announced in 2019 that he was adapting the best-selling book It Ends With Us into a film, there was a widespread frenzy.

There are few books in recent years that have become as big a cultural phenomenon as Colleen Hoover’s novel – it has sold 20m copies and became an internet sensation on TikTok with more than one billion tags on the app.

When Blake Lively, who rose to fame in the 2000s playing Serena van der Woodsen in Gossip Girl, was cast as the main character, fans became even more excited, describing her as the perfect choice to play Lily Bloom, a young woman who grew up witnessing domestic abuse and winds up in the same position years later.

Lily, a florist in Boston, navigates a complicated love triangle between her charming but abusive boyfriend Ryle Kincaid – played by Jane the Virgin’s Justin Baldoni – and her compassionate first love, Atlas Corrigan (Brandon Sklenar).

Released at the beginning of August, the film became a box office success bringing in more than $350m (£280m) globally.

But despite its financial success, everything wasn’t running so smoothly behind the scenes. Rumours of a feud between Baldoni and Lively began swirling before the film was even released.

Last week, Lively filed a legal complaint against her co-star, accusing him of sexual harassment and starting a smear campaign against her, something Baldoni strongly denies. Here is the story so far:

For a film about domestic abuse, the press tour for It Ends With Us was probably not what you would have expected. There were pink carpets, flowers galore and the promotion of Lively’s new haircare brand and her husband’s gin company.

Instead of advocacy on the red carpet, Lively highlighted fashion and florals.

At the London premiere, press were told to keep questions “fun and light-hearted” with one event organiser telling me to “steer away from questions on domestic abuse”.

One of her remarks made at the New York premiere – “you are so much more than just a survivor or just a victim” – sparked backlash on social media.

Domestic abuse survivor Ashley Paige criticised Ms Lively’s language and told the BBC that her own trauma “shaped my identity”.

Lively was also criticised for her comments in another clumsy promotional tour video where she said: “Grab your friends, wear your florals and head out to see it.”

Ms Paige accused Lively of promoting the film like it’s “the sequel to Barbie”.

Alongside the press tour being described as “tone-deaf”, people started asking questions about why the Lively and Baldoni weren’t photographed on the red carpet together at the film’s New York premiere on 6 August.

The pair also did no interviews together during the press tour and at the London premiere, which Baldoni didn’t attend, I was warned by Lively’s team to not “ask any questions about Justin”.

Internet sleuths also spotted that cast members including Lively and author Hoover did not follow Baldoni on social media.

Neither Lively or Baldoni addressed rumours of a feud during the press tour and the only reference to each other was Baldoni telling Today that his co-star was a “dynamic creative”.

“She had her hands in every part of this production, and everything she touched made [it] better,” he said about the 37-year-old.

While the film was a box office success, it received mixed reviews from critics with some saying it romanticised domestic abuse.

There was a two-star review from The Telegraph’s Tim Robey, who called it a “queasy drama” that “repackages domestic violence as slick romance”.

He suggested the film “splices abuse and glossy courtship in the big city to deeply dubious effects”.

The movie also sparked a debate on TikTok, with some saying that it’s not clear from the trailer that this story is about an abusive relationship and rather it appears to be telling a love story.

Based on this misconception, some people said they found the film traumatic as they didn’t know it contained scenes of domestic abuse.

During the film’s press tour, Baldoni hired a crisis manager, Melissa Nathan, whose previous clients include Johnny Depp and Drake.

Shortly after the press tour, Lively faced a barrage of criticism on social media relating to her comments on that tour as well as from old interviews.

One of the interviews to resurface was one shared by a Norwegian journalist, Kjersti Flaa, who posted a video on YouTube of her interviewing Lively in 2016. It was titled “The Blake Lively interview that made me want to quit my job.”

Actor Brandon Sklenar, who plays Atlas in the film, defended Lively and said in a post on Instagram that people had been “vilifying” the women involved in the film online.

He said it was “disheartening to see the amount of negativity being projected” and that someone close to him who had experienced a relationship similar to Lily’s had credited the film with “saving her life”.

Four months after the film’s launch, Lively filed a legal complaint against Mr Baldoni in which she accused him of sexual harassment.

The complaint also listed Wayfarer Studios, Mr Baldoni’s production company which produced It Ends With Us, as a defendant.

The legal filing accuses Mr Baldoni and Wayfarer CEO Jamey Heath of “repeated sexual harassment and other disturbing behaviour”. Some other female cast and crew had also spoken up about their conduct, the filing alleges.

It also alleges that Ms Lively, Mr Baldoni and other people involved in the development of the film attended a meeting in January to address “the hostile work environment” on set. Her husband, actor Ryan Reynolds, attended the meeting alongside her, according to the complaint.

At the meeting, attendees agreed to a list of demands, including Mr Baldoni and Mr Heath making “no more descriptions of their own genitalia”, requiring an intimacy coordinator on set at all times when Ms Lively was in scenes with Mr Baldoni and no “friends” of the producers and directors being on set during scenes when Ms Lively was in a state of nudity.

The list of demands also implied that Mr Baldoni had asked Ms Lively’s trainer how much she weighed and alleged that Mr Baldoni and Mr Heath had spoken about their “pornography addiction” to Ms Lively.

In the filing, Ms Lively also alleges that Mr Baldoni and his team attacked her public image after the meeting.

She accuses him of orchestrating a plan to “destroy” her reputation in the press and online, including hiring a crisis manager who led a “sophisticated, coordinated, and well-financed retaliation plan” against her and used a “digital army” to post social media content that seemed authentic.

“To safeguard against the risk of Ms Lively ever revealing the truth about Mr Baldoni, the Baldoni-Wayfarer team created, planted, amplified, and boosted content designed to eviscerate Ms Lively’s credibility,” her team wrote in the filing.

It adds: “They engaged in the same techniques to bolster Mr Baldoni’s credibility and suppress any negative content about him.”

In the filing, Ms Lively says that this had led to “substantial harm” that affected “all aspects” of her life.

Mr Baldoni’s legal team told the BBC the allegations are “categorically false” and said they hired a crisis manager because Ms Lively had threatened to derail the film unless her demands were met.

Responding to the legal complaint, Mr Baldoni’s lawyer, Bryan Freedman, said on Saturday: “It is shameful that Ms Lively and her representatives would make such serious and categorically false accusations against Mr Baldoni, Wayfarer Studios and its representatives.”

Mr Freedman accused Ms Lively of making numerous demands and threats, including “threatening to not show up to set, threatening to not promote the film”, which would end up “ultimately leading to its demise during release, if her demands were not met”.

Hollywood stars including America Ferrera, Amber Tamblyn and Alexis Bledel have publicly backed Blake Lively after she filed her complaint.

Ferrera, Tamblyn and Bledel, who starred with Lively in 2005 film The Sisterhood of the Traveling Pants, issued a joint statement on Instagram, on Sunday saying they “stand with her in solidarity”.

“Throughout the filming of It Ends with Us, we saw her summon the courage to ask for a safe workplace for herself and colleagues on set, and we are appalled to read the evidence of a premeditated and vindictive effort that ensued to discredit her voice,” they wrote.

Colleen Hoover, the author of It Ends With Us, also showed her support, describing Ms Lively as “honest, kind, supportive and patient”.

Hollywood stars America Ferrera, Amber Tamblyn and Alexis Bledel have publicly backed US actress Blake Lively after she filed a legal complaint against It Ends With Us co-star Justin Baldoni.

Ms Lively filed the legal complaint over the weekend against Mr Baldoni, alleging sexual harassment and a campaign to “destroy” her reputation.

Mr Baldoni’s legal team told the BBC on Saturday that the allegations are “categorically false”.

Ferrera, Tamblyn and Bledel, who starred with Lively in 2005 film The Sisterhood of the Traveling Pants, issued a joint statement on Instagram on Sunday saying they “stand with her in solidarity”.

Colleen Hoover, the author of It Ends With Us, also showed her support, describing Ms Lively as “honest, kind, supportive and patient”.

Lawyers for Ms Lively say the legal complaint follows a meeting earlier this year to address “repeated sexual harassment and other disturbing behaviour” by Baldoni, her co-star and a producer on the movie.

In their statement, Ferrera, Tamblyn and Bledel said: “As Blake’s friends and sisters for over 20 years, we stand with her in solidarity as she fights back against the reported campaign waged to destroy her reputation.

“Throughout the filming of It Ends with Us, we saw her summon the courage to ask for a safe workplace for herself and colleagues on set, and we are appalled to read the evidence of a premeditated and vindictive effort that ensued to discredit her voice.”

They added: “Most upsetting is the unabashed exploitation of domestic violence survivors’ stories to silence a woman who asked for safety. The hypocrisy is astounding.

“We are struck by the reality that even if a woman is as strong, celebrated, and resourced as our friend Blake, she can face forceful retaliation for daring to ask for a safe working environment,” the statement added.

“We are inspired by our sister’s courage to stand up for herself and others.”

Lawyers for Mr Baldoni said they hired a crisis manager because Ms Lively had threatened to derail the film unless her demands were met.

In the drama It Ends With Us, Ms Lively plays a woman who finds herself in a relationship with a charming but abusive boyfriend, played by Mr Baldoni.

In a post to her Instagram stories, Colleen Hoover, the author of the novel on which the film was based, also voiced her support: “@BlakeLively you have been nothing but honest, kind, supportive and patient since the day we met.

“Thank you for being exactly the human that you are.

“Never change. Never wilt.”

She then linked to a New York Times article titled We Can Bury Anyone: Inside A Hollywood Smear Machine.

Hoover also re-posted the statement from Ferrara, Bledel and Tamblyn, adding: “This statement from these women and Blake’s ability to refuse to sit down and ‘be buried’ has been nothing short of inspiring.”

The meeting between Ms Lively and Mr Baldoni, together with others involved in the movie’s production plus Ms Lively’s actor husband Ryan Reynolds, took place on 4 January 2024, and it aimed to address “the hostile work environment” on set, according to Ms Lively’s legal filing.

Mr Baldoni attended the meeting in his capacity as co-chairman and co-founder of the company that produced the film, Wayfarer Studios. He was also the film’s director.

In the legal complaint, Ms Lively’s lawyers allege that both Mr Baldoni and the Wayfarer chief executive officer, Jamey Heath, engaged in “inappropriate and unwelcome behaviour towards Ms Lively and others on the set of It Ends With Us”.

In the filing to the California Civil Rights Department, a list of 30 demands relating to the pair’s alleged misconduct was made at the meeting to ensure they could continue to produce the film.

Among them, Ms Lively requested that there be no more mention of Mr Baldoni and Mr Heath’s previous “pornography addiction” to Ms Lively or to other crew members, no more descriptions of their own genitalia to Ms Lively, and “no more adding of sex scenes, oral sex, or on camera climaxing by BL [Blake Lively] outside the scope of the script BL approved when signing onto the project”, says the complaint.

Ms Lively also demanded that Mr Baldoni stop saying he could speak to her dead father.

Ms Lively’s legal team further accuse Mr Baldoni and Wayfarer Studios of leading a “multi-tiered plan” to wreck her reputation.

She alleges this was “the intended result of a carefully crafted, coordinated, and resourced retaliatory scheme to silence her, and others from speaking out about the hostile environment that Mr Baldoni and Mr Heath created”.

Responding to the legal complaint, Mr Baldoni’s lawyer, Bryan Freedman, said on Saturday: “It is shameful that Ms Lively and her representatives would make such serious and categorically false accusations against Mr Baldoni, Wayfarer Studios and its representatives.”

Mr Freedman accused Ms Lively of making numerous demands and threats, including “threatening to not show up to set, threatening to not promote the film”, which would end up “ultimately leading to its demise during release, if her demands were not met”.

He alleged that Ms Lively’s claims were “intentionally salacious with an intent to publicly hurt and rehash a narrative in the media”.

In a statement via her attorneys to the BBC, Ms Lively said: “I hope that my legal action helps pull back the curtain on these sinister retaliatory tactics to harm people who speak up about misconduct and helps protect others who may be targeted.”

She also denied that she or any of her representatives had planted or spread negative information about Mr Baldoni or Wayfarer.

The film was a box-office hit, although some critics said it romanticised domestic violence.

Russian scientists have unveiled the remains of a 50,000-year-old baby mammoth found in thawing permafrost in the remote Yakutia region of Siberia during the summer.

They say “Yana” – who has been named after the river basin where she was discovered – is the world’s best-preserved mammoth carcass.

Weighing in at over 100kg (15st 10lb), and measuring 120cm (4ft) tall and 200cm long, Yana is estimated to have been only about one-year-old when she died.

Before this, there were only six similar discoveries in the world – five in Russia and one in Canada.

Yana was found in the Batagaika crater, the world’s largest permafrost (ground that is permanently frozen) crater, by people living nearby.

The residents “were in the right place at the right time”, the head of the Lazarev Mammoth Museum Laboratory said.

“They saw that the mammoth had almost completely thawed out” and decided to build a make-shift stretcher to lift the mammoth to the surface, said Maxim Cherpasov.

“As a rule, the part that thaws out first, especially the trunk, is often eaten by modern predators or birds,” he told the Reuters news agency.

But “even though the forelimbs have already been eaten, the head is remarkably well preserved”, he added.

A researcher at the museum, Gavril Novgorodov, told Reuters the mammoth “probably got trapped” in a swamp, and was “thus preserved for several tens of thousands of years”.

Yana is being studied at the North-Eastern Federal University in the region’s capital Yakutsk.

Scientists are now conducting tests to confirm when it died.

It is not the only pre-historic discovery to have been found in Russia’s vast permafrost in recent years – as long-frozen ground starts to thaw because of climate change.

Just last month, scientists in the same region showed off the remains of a partial, mummified body of a sabre-tooth cat, thought to be just under 32,000-years-old.

And earlier this year the remains of a 44,000-year-old wolf were also uncovered.

This year’s Christmas message from King Charles will be delivered from a former hospital chapel, in a year in which the King has been undergoing cancer treatment.

The location for the traditional Christmas Day broadcast is the Fitzrovia Chapel in central London, which once served as the chapel of the Middlesex Hospital.

It’s the first time in more than a decade that the Christmas speech has been recorded from a place that isn’t in a royal palace or estate – and it’s understood that the King wanted a location with a connection to those working in healthcare.

The ornately-decorated 19th Century former chapel building is now used for exhibitions and community events for people of any faiths and none.

As well as a connection to the health services, the building also ties in with the King’s interest in building bridges between different beliefs, backgrounds and religions.

The location suggests that healthcare and supporting community links could be themes for the annual speech, after a summer in which relations in some towns had been frayed by riots.

The traditional speech from the monarch, recorded earlier this month, will be broadcast as usual on television and radio at 15:00 on Christmas Day.

The Christmas message comes at the end of a year in which the King faced a cancer diagnosis.

His regular sessions of treatment are continuing, as they have for much of this year, but as a sign of a positive response, he has plans for a busy schedule of engagements and overseas trips in 2025.

Setting the speech in this former hospital chapel, which was renovated and reopened in 2016, will be a reminder of the efforts of those working in the health services and medical research.

The King has been filmed beside a Christmas tree, which has since been donated to a hospice in Clapham.

The small chapel, decorated in the Gothic Revival style with shimmering mosaics and Byzantine influences, is tucked away in Pearson Square, in a quiet corner of London’s West End.

It was built in the courtyard of what was the Middlesex Hospital, serving its staff and patients. When the hospital was demolished the chapel was retained and restored, with a new development built around it.

It’s no longer regularly used for services, but is used for community events and concerts and is open to visitors wanting some quiet contemplation.

The monarch’s Christmas message has often been recorded in Buckingham Palace or Windsor Castle.

But there have been exceptions, most recently in 2010 when it was filmed at Hampton Court Palace, and before that in 2006 at Southwark Cathedral. In 2003 the speech was recorded at an army barracks in Windsor.

The run-up to Christmas has seen the King attending a series of seasonal events, including a Christmas market in Battersea, a service remembering those persecuted because of their religion and an event in Walthamstow celebrating the diversity of the local community.

The King’s speech on Christmas Day follows a tradition dating back to 1932, when George V made the first Christmas broadcast.

That first speech was scripted by Rudyard Kipling, who lay in state in the Fitzrovia Chapel before his funeral in Westminster Abbey.

When Syrian rebel leader Ahmed al-Sharaa arrived in Damascus and gave a victory speech on the heels of a lightning military campaign that swept through the country and toppled Bashar al-Assad’s regime, one remark went widely unnoticed. That was his reference to an illegal narcotic that has flooded the Middle East over the past 10 years.

“Syria has become the biggest producer of Captagon on earth,” he said. “And today, Syria is going to be purified by the grace of God.”

Mostly unknown outside of the Middle East, Captagon is an addictive, amphetamine-like pill, sometimes called “poor man’s cocaine”.

Its production has proliferated in Syria amid an economy broken by war, sanctions and the mass displacement of Syrians abroad. Authorities in neighbouring countries have struggled to cope with the smuggling of huge quantities of pills across their borders.

All the evidence pointed to Syria being the main source of Captogan’s illicit trade with an annual value placed at $5.6bn (£4.5bn) by the World Bank.

At the scale that the pills were being produced and dispatched, the suspicion was that this was not simply the work of criminal gangs – but of an industry orchestrated by the regime itself.

Weeks on from the speech by al-Sharaa (previously known by his nom de guerre of Abu Mohammed al-Jolani), spectacular images have emerged that suggest the suspicion was correct.

Videos filmed by Syrians raiding properties allegedly owned by relatives of Assad show rooms full of pills being made and packaged, hidden in fake industrial products.

Other footage shows piles of pills found in what appears to be a Syrian military airbase, set on fire by the rebels.

I spent a year investigating Captagon for a BBC World Service documentary and saw how the drug became as popular among the wealthy youth of Gulf countries like Saudi Arabia as it was among the working class in countries like Jordan.

“I was 19 years old, I started taking Captagon and my life started to fall apart,” Yasser, a young male addict in a rehab clinic told us in Jordan’s capital, Amman. “I started hanging out with people who take this thing. You work, you live without food, so the body is a wreck.”

So how will al-Sharaa and his group, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), deal with the large number of people in Syria and around the Middle East addicted to Captagon who may suddenly find themselves without a supply?

Caroline Rose, an expert on Syrian drug trafficking at the New Lines Institute, has concerns around this. “My fear is that they will really crack down on supply and not necessarily try to do any sort of demand reduction.”

But there is a broader question at play too: that is, what effect will the loss of such a lucrative trade have on Syria’s economy? And as those behind it move aside, how will al-Sharaa keep at bay any other criminals waiting in the wings to replace them?

The proliferation of Captagon pushed the Middle East into a genuine narco-war.

While filming with the Jordanian army on their desert border with Syria, we saw how the soldiers had reinforced their fences and learned about their comrades who had been killed in shoot-outs with Captagon smugglers. They accused the Syrian soldiers across the border of aiding the smugglers.

Other countries in the region have been just as disturbed by the trade.

For a while, Saudi Arabia suspended imports of fruit and vegetables from Lebanon because authorities were frequently finding shipping containers full of produce like pomegranates which had been hollowed out and filled with bags of Captagon pills.

We filmed in five countries, including in regime-held and rebel-held Syria, consulted well-placed sources, and gained access to confidential records from court cases in Germany and Lebanon.

We were able to name two major parties as having their hands in the trade – Assad’s extended family and the Syrian armed forces, in particular its Fourth Division, led by Assad’s brother, Maher.

Maher al-Assad was perhaps the most powerful man in Syria aside from his brother.

He was sanctioned by many Western powers for the violence he wrought against protesters during the pro-democracy uprising in 2011 that precipitated the bloody civil war. The French judiciary has also issued an international arrest warrant for him and his brother for their alleged responsibility in chemical weapons attacks in Syria in 2013.

Gaining access to the WhatsApp chats of a Captagon trader imprisoned in Lebanon, we were able to implicate Maher al-Assad’s Fourth Division and his second-in-command, General Ghassan Bilal.

The revelation was a huge milestone in confirming the role of Syria’s armed forces and Bashar al-Assad’s inner circle in the trade.

Seeing the recent images of demoralised Syrian army troops fleeing without a fight as the rebels advanced, I was reminded of an interview we conducted with a regime soldier last year.

He told us his monthly army pay of $30 (£24) barely covered three days of food for his family, so his unit became involved in criminality and Captagon.

“It’s what brings most of the money now,” he said.

In May 2023, the Arab League agreed to re-admit Syria 12 years after it was expelled for violently suppressing the popular uprising. It was seen as a diplomatic coup for Assad, using promises to tackle the Captagon trade as leverage to be rehabilitated.

Now, as Syria’s rebel leaders consolidate their power over the organs of state, it seems they are fully aware of positive signals they are sending to wary neighbouring states when they promise to crack down on the Captagon trade.

But it might be a steeper task for them to wrest the country away from a lucrative criminal enterprise after so many years when it was encouraged by the state itself.

Issam Al Reis was a major engineer in the Syrian army until he defected at the beginning of the uprising against the Assad regime, and has spent time investigating the Captagon trade. He believes that HTS will not need to do much to stop the trade initially “because the main players have left” and there’s already been a dramatic drop in Captagon exports – but he warns that “new guys” might be waiting in the wings to take over.

This will be particularly problematic if the demand side isn’t tackled too. There is little evidence of investment in rehabilitation from the time HTS controlled Idlib province in north-west Syria, according to Ms Rose. “[There was a] very poor picture for trying to address Captagon consumption,” she says.

She also says there has already been an uptick in another drug being trafficked through Syria.

“I think many users will seek out crystal meth as an alternative, especially users who have already established a tolerance to Captagon and need something that’s a bit more strong.”

The other problem, as Mr Al Reis points out, is a financial one. As he puts it: “Syrians need the money.”

His hope is that the international community will help prevent people entering the drug trade through humanitarian aid and easing sanctions.

But Ms Rose argues the new leaders will need to identify “new and alternative economic pathways to encourage Syrians to participate in the licit formal economy.”

While the kingpins have fled, many of those involved in manufacturing and smuggling the drug remain inside the country, she said.

“And old habits die hard.”

A man has been charged with murder in connection with the death of a woman who was set on fire on a subway train in New York.

Sebastian Zapeta, 33, was charged with first and second degree murder as well as arson on Monday over the attack.

Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch described Sunday’s incident as “one of the most depraved crimes one person could possibly commit against another human being”.

She said the woman was on a stationary F train in Brooklyn when she was approached by a man who used a lighter to ignite her clothing – which became “fully engulfed in a matter of seconds”. Although officers extinguished the flames, the victim died at the scene.

Officers said the woman, who they have not named, was in a subway carriage at the Coney Island-Stillwell Avenue station at about 07:30 local time (12:30 GMT) when the man approached her.

The victim was “motionless” when she was set on fire, but detectives were still establishing whether or not she was asleep. “We’re not 100% sure,” said the NYPD’s Joseph Gulotta.

There was no interaction between the pair before the attack, Mr Gulotta said, adding that police did not believe the two people knew each other.

Describing how police were alerted to the incident, Ms Tisch said: “Officers were on patrol on an upper level of that station, smelled and saw smoke and went to investigate.”

“What they saw was a person standing inside the train car fully engulfed in flames.”

An immigration official said that Mr Zapeta entered the US illegally in 2018 and was detained and deported. The official said he subsequently unlawfully re-entered the US.

The man got off the train as police officers on patrol in the station rushed to the fire, but he did not flee immediately.

“Unbeknownst to the officers who responded, the suspect had stayed on the scene and was seated on a bench on the platform just outside the train car,” Ms Tisch said.

She explained that police were therefore able to obtain “very clear, detailed” pictures of him from the responding officers’ body worn cameras. The images were circulated by the New York Police Department (NYPD).

Later, three high school-aged New Yorkers called 911 to report they had recognised the suspect on another subway train, Ms Tisch told reporters.

The man was located after officers boarded the train and walked through the carriages.

He was arrested at Herald Square station – which is located near the Empire State Building in Manhattan. He was found with a lighter in his pocket, Ms Tisch said.

“I want to thank the young people who called 911 to help,” Ms Tisch added. “They saw something, they said something and they did something.”

On a hill overlooking the city of Palermo, in Sicily, sits a lesser-known gem of Italian art: the cathedral of Monreale.

Built in the 12th century under Norman rule, it boasts Italy’s largest Byzantine-style mosaics, second in the world only to those of Hagia Sophia in Istanbul.

Now, this Unesco World Heritage site has undergone an extensive restoration to bring it back to its former glory.

The Monreale mosaics were meant to impress, humble and inspire the visitor who walked down the central nave, following the fashion of Constantinople, the capital of the surviving Roman empire in the east.

They span over 6,400 sq m and contain about 2.2kg of solid gold.

The restoration lasted over a year, and in that time the cathedral was turned into a bit of a building site, with a maze of scaffolds set up on the altar and transept.

Local experts from the Italian Ministry of Culture led a series of interventions, starting with the removal of a thick layer of dust that had accumulated on the mosaics over the years.

Then they repaired some of the tiles that had lost their enamel and gold leaf, making them look like black spots from down below.

Finally, they intervened in the areas where the tiles were peeling off the wall and secured them.

Working on the mosaics was a challenge and a big responsibility, says Father Nicola Gaglio.

He has been a priest here for 17 years and has followed the restoration closely, not unlike an apprehensive dad.

“The team approached this work almost on their tiptoes,” he tells me.

“At times, there were some unforeseen issues and they had to pause the operations while they found a solution.

“For example, when they got to the ceiling, they realised that in the past it had been covered with a layer of varnish that had turned yellowish. They had to peel it off, quite literally, like cling film.”

The mosaics were last partly restored in 1978 , but this time the intervention had a much wider scope and it included replacing the old lighting system.

“There was a very old system. The light was low, the energy costs were through the roof and in no way it made justice to the beauty of the mosaics,” says Matteo Cundari.

He’s the Country Manager of Zumtobel, the firm that was tasked with installing the new lights.

“The main challenge was to make sure we’d highlight the mosaics and we’d create something that answers to the various needs of the cathedral,” he adds.

“We also wanted to create a completely reversible system, something that could be replaced in 10 or 15 years without damaging the building.”

This first tranche of works cost 1.1 million euros. A second one, focussing on the central nave, is being planned next.

I ask Fr Gaglio what it was like to see the scaffolding finally come off and the mosaics shine in their new light. He laughs and shrugs.

“When you see it, you’re overwhelmed with awe and you can’t really think of anything. It’s pure beauty,” he says.

“It’s a responsibility to be the keeper of such world heritage. This world needs beauty, because it reminds us of what’s good in humanity, of what it means to be men and women.”

Mauritius’s deputy prime minister has hinted that negotiations with the UK over the future of the Chagos Islands are being held up over the amount of money involved.

Under the terms of the original agreement, which was announced in October, the UK would relinquish sovereignty to Mauritius over the archipelago but maintain a 99-year lease for Diego Garcia, home to a major UK-US military airbase.

As part of the deal, the UK said it would provide a package of financial support to Mauritius, including annual payments and infrastructure investment, but neither side has said how much is involved.

However a new government in Mauritius, elected since the agreement was first made, has said it wants to see some changes.

The proposed deal has also attracted criticism in the UK, with the opposition Conservative party calling it a “monumental failure of statecraft”.

When the agreement was first made public after years of talks, UK Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer and the then Mauritian Prime Minister Pravind Jugnauth called it a “seminal moment in our relationship and a demonstration of our enduring commitment to the peaceful resolution of disputes and the rule of law”.

It sought to end decades of uncertainty and dispute over the status of the islands.

• New Mauritian PM sends fresh Chagos proposals to UK
• Chagos deal remains on track, says UK minister
• Trump team hostile to Chagos deal, claims Farage

In a joint statement issued on Friday, the UK and Mauritius said they were committed “to finalising a treaty as quickly as possible” that included both the “secure and effective operation of the existing base on Diego Garcia and that Mauritius is sovereign over the archipelago”.

They added that “ongoing conversations” were productive.

The new Mauritian government, elected in a landslide last month, has not been explicit in public about what exactly its problems with the deal were.

But talking to his constituents on Sunday, Deputy Prime Minister Paul Bérenger spoke about the money involved.

“This base existed on our land, on our territory… but not only it is [about] our sovereignty. There are some things you can’t accept if you’re a true patriot. They are trying to make us sign and they are quibbling on a small amount,” he said.

Speaking in parliament last week about the negotiations Bérenger admitted that Mauritius needs “money to get out of the economic mess the previous government got us into, but not at any price, not under any conditions”.

Addressing MPs on Friday, Prime Minister Navin Ramgoolam said that the UK was keen to complete the deal “before [Donald] Trump swears in as president on 20 January”.

Marco Rubio, Trump’s pick for secretary of state, has described the deal as a threat to US security.

Last week in the UK’s House of Commons, Shadow Foreign Secretary Dame Priti Patel accused the Labour government of putting the UK’s national security at risk, ignoring the interests of Chagossians, and “letting our standing go into freefall” in an increasingly dangerous world.

“How much is the British taxpayer going to be liable for each year, and in total, over 99 years?” she asked.

Foreign Office Minister Stephen Doughty insisted the deal would enhance, not damage UK security, saying it would protect the military base’s operation and ensure it was “on a safe footing well into the next century”.

In recent years, the UK has faced rising diplomatic isolation over its claim to what it refers to as the British Indian Ocean Territory, with various United Nations bodies – including its top court and general assembly – overwhelmingly siding with Mauritius and demanding the UK surrender what some have called its “last colony in Africa”.

The government of Mauritius has long argued that it was illegally forced to give the Chagos Islands away in return for its own independence from the UK in 1968.

Until very recently, the UK insisted that Mauritius itself had no legitimate claim to the islands.

• Is this tiny Mauritian island a confidential spy station?
• Chagos islanders in emotional, historic trip home
• British stamps banned from Chagos Islands in Indian Ocean

When Amrita Kaur decided to attend Punjabi pop star Diljit Dosanjh’s concert in India this month, she was prepared to experience some discomfort.

Having attended several concerts in the past, Ms Kaur was sort of looking forward to the “exhilarating chaos” that comes with large crowds at big events in India.

But what awaited her was far worse than she had imagined.

Crowd control was minimal and sanitation non-existent. Overloaded mobile networks stopped working, sparking fears about personal safety. Even using the toilet felt like a gamble, she said, as it meant having to spend the rest of the performance queued up in front of “unhygienic, smelly cubicles”.

The venue, a massive piece of government-owned land in the northern city of Chandigarh, had no public transport connections or parking space, leaving Ms Kaur with no option but to drive her car to a friend’s nearby – and then get stuck in the inevitable, hours-long traffic jam once the concert had ended.

“You pay so much for a ticket and what do you get in return? A possible urinary infection and a bad headache with some bouts of music,” she says about her experience.

This year has been big for India’s burgeoning concert industry, with major tours by Dua Lipa, Dosanjh and Maroon 5 packing stadiums and grounds already thrilling audiences. Other international acts like Green Day, Coldplay and Ed Sheeran are set to perform in the coming months.

In fact, India’s music concerts generated about 8bn rupees ($94.1m; £75.3m) in revenue last year – a figure that is set to increase by 25% by the end of 2025.

Young, well-to-do Indians are not just willing to pay more to see their favourite music stars, but are actively seeking out these events. In 2023, more than 400,000 people in India said they travelled to other Indian cities to attend live events.

But despite the enthusiasm, many concertgoers say their experience has been far from ideal. The issue made headlines earlier this week, when a diabetic patient with incontinence issues said he ended up soiling himself at a Bryan Adams concert due to unavailability of washrooms at the venue.

On the same day, Dosanjh, who has been on a nationwide tour, shocked his fans by announcing that he wouldn’t perform in India again until the infrastructure at concert venues got better. The singer later clarified he was referring to only one of the venues.

Since then, social media has been awash with similar complaints from concertgoers. From booking tickets on dodgy scalping websites for astonishingly high prices, to braving hours-long traffic before and after a show, often on a full bladder, fans say they have to pay with more than just money to see their favourite acts.

Those who have the means are now opting to attend shows in other countries for a safer and generally more fun experience. “At Adele’s concert in Munich, the staff continuously cleaned the toilets and it was super clean even after a three-hour concert,” says Ishika Goon, a Bengaluru-based lawyer. “If I have to spend so much money, I might as well go for the full experience.”

Organisers and promoters acknowledge the problems but say they too are hobbled by wider infrastructural challenges.

That’s because India does not have enough venues dedicated to live concerts, forcing them to opt for suboptimal spaces or simply avoid certain cities altogether, all of which prevents the industry from scaling up, says Anmol Kukreja, the co-founder of Skillbox, a live entertainment company that has organised more than 300 concerts.

Unlike a lot of western countries where concert venues are plenty, he says that events in India have to be held in places like malls, sports stadiums or on public land – all of which come with their own limitations and many variables.

A mall might have better toilets and designated parking areas, but it won’t necessarily be able to accommodate huge crowds the way a large barren ground located in a far-flung corner of the city with bad connectivity might.

Nowadays, a lot of music events are held inside public stadiums to minimise some of the inconveniences – but that comes with its own challenges, such as poor sound quality, crowd management issues and lots of red tape.

Government-owned venues are more suitable for big events, but the process of booking them can often be a complex “web of permissions and licences, making them less attractive”, Mr Kukreja says.

To address these gaps, organisers end up spending thousands of dollars on building temporary infrastructure at venues – the stage, temporary bathrooms and parking spaces – before each concert which could incur serious losses, adds Tej Brar, founder of Mumbai-based Third Culture and the director of NH7, one of India’s biggest music festivals.

And it’s not just business that suffers, the live music scene is impacted too, as a whole segment of smaller and independent artists are left out because they are not “big enough” to make people want to pay an exorbitant price to watch them.

“If they can’t pull crowds of more than 10,000 people or more, they usually won’t get shows because the economics won’t work for the organisers.”

But of late, even major international music festivals with star-studded line-ups and million-dollar budgets have left fans disappointed.

“Everything is fine but why can’t you have clean toilets?” asks Sreoshi Mukherjee, a Delhi-based journalist.

Ms Mukherjee, who attends music concerts around the country, was particularly aghast by the lack of washrooms at Lollapalooza and Backstreet Boys, tickets for which cost anywhere between 5,000 ($59; £47) and 10,000 ($118; £94) rupees.

“There was a point when the loos ran out of both toilet paper and water. We had to actually buy water bottles to relieve ourselves,” she says.

Criticism against inflated ticket prices turning these events into highbrow cultural experiences meant for only a few has been mounting, but there are other accessibility concerns as well.

Most venues have little to no arrangements for people with disabilities – such as wheelchair access and audio description. At Dosanjh’s Chandigarh concert, Ms Kaur said they had to carry their wheelchair-using friend into the venue as there was no ramp or accessibility lane.

The BBC has reached out to the organisers of all the events mentioned in the story for comment.

Others in the business say there can’t be a one-size-fits all solution for the problems, but they worry about its longer impact on business. Right now, people are still willing to pay. But persistently poor facilities might change their minds.

“Word-of-mouth plays a crucial role in event attendance, and negative feedback can be damaging to an organiser’s reputation,” Mr Brar says.

But the onus to fix that, he adds, needs to be shared. “While the company takes charge of choosing the location and setting ticket prices, the venue should provide fundamental amenities. Adequate washroom facilities and dedicated cleaning staff should be a venue standard.”

As the country gears up to host big names like Sheeran and Green Day, fans are hoping for a better experience.

And for some, huge crowds and the risk of a potential infection still feels like a small price for seeing their favourite star.

“There’s a thrill to the mess and chaos,” says Mohammad Sami, a student.

“It’s like you’re stuck on an island with hundreds of strangers, united by their determination to survive the night.”

The House Ethics Committee report on Donald Trump ally Matt Gaetz released on Monday revealed fresh details about the former congressman’s alleged behaviour, at least one new accusation and insights into the panel’s investigation.

From at least 2017 to 2020, the committee concluded that the former Florida congressman regularly paid women for “engaging in sexual activity”, had sex with a 17-year-old girl, used or possessed illegal drugs, accepted gifts beyond House limits and helped a woman obtain a passport, according to the report.

Gaetz, who resigned from the US House of Representatives in November – days before the report was scheduled to be made public and after Trump announced him as his pick for US attorney general – denied the committee’s findings and has accused it of conducting an unfair investigation.

Here are four parts of the much-anticipated report that stand out.

House investigators said Gaetz paid more than $90,000 (£71,843) to women for sex and drugs, but created a complicated web of transactions that were hard to trace, according to the report.

“The committee was unable to determine the full extent to which Representative Gaetz’s payments to women were compensation for engaging in sexual activity with him,” the report found.

He allegedly used his friend Joel Greenberg, currently serving 11 years in prison for crimes he said he committed with Gaetz, as a frequent go-between and logged onto Greenberg’s account on SeekingArrangement.com, which bills itself as a “luxury dating site”, to interact with young women.

Gaetz also paid women directly, sometimes through platforms such as Venmo, according to the report. But the committee said he often used another person’s PayPal account or an account linked to an email address with a fake name.

He also obscured payments, the panel wrote. In one example, he gave a college student a cheque made out to “cash” with “tuition reimbursement” in the memo line. The woman said she received it after a group encounter, which “could potentially be a form of coercion because I really needed the money”.

Gaetz has posted on social media that he gave money to women he was involved with as gifts, not payments. The committee found that two women, aged 27 and 25, did not consider their relationships transactional.

Another woman who was considered his girlfriend invoked her Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination when asked if she was given money for sex or drugs, or to pay others.

The committee attempted to prove Gaetz frequently paid for sex through a text message that described his inability to pay at one point.

His then-girlfriend said in the message that he and Greenberg were “a little limited in their cash flow” and asked a group of women “if it can be more of a customer appreciation week”.

A few months later, according to the committee, she wrote: “Btw Matt also mentioned he is going to be a bit generous cause of the ‘customer appreciation’ thing last time.”

The committee also said Gaetz bought illegal drugs or reimbursed people for them.

It gives examples of his alleged cocaine and ecstasy/MDMA use, but focused on what appeared to be a heavy marijuana habit. He allegedly asked women to bring marijuana cartridges to meetings and events, and created the fake-name email account to buy marijuana.

A trip he took to the Bahamas “was paid for by an associate of Representative Gaetz with connections to the medical marijuana industry, who allegedly also paid for female escorts to accompany them”, according to the report.

One woman felt the use of drugs and alcohol at parties had impaired her ability “to really know what was going on or fully consent”.

“Indeed, nearly every woman that the committee spoke with could not remember the details of at least one or more of the events they attended with Representative Gaetz and attributed that to drug or alcohol consumption,” the report said.

His then-girlfriend, who was 21 when they met and “was paid tens of thousands of dollars” during their two-year relationship”, often participated in encounters with women and acted as an intermediary, according to the report.

A woman told the committee she was 17 at the time she had sex with Gaetz twice at a party in 2017 – at least once in front of other people – while under the influence of ecstasy. The woman, who had just completed her junior year in high school, then received $400 from him.

She also told the panel she did not tell Gaetz she was a minor and the committee did not find any evidence that the former congressman knew she was underage.

In 2021, Greenberg pleaded guilty to sex trafficking the girl.

Gaetz also allegedly directed his chief of staff to expedite a passport application for a woman he was sleeping with, whom he said was a voter in his district. He also allegedly gave her $1,000.

Gaetz violated House rules that bar using his position for special favours, according to the committee, which wrote: “The woman was not his constituent, and the case was not handled in the same manner as similar passport assistance cases”.

The committee dedicated a great deal of the report to detailing how Gaetz allegedly obstructed its investigation, including failing to produce evidence he said would “exonerate” him.

The report concluded he “continuously sought to deflect, deter, or mislead the Committee in order to prevent his actions from being exposed”.

Gaetz, who has accused the committee of being “weaponised” against him and leaking information to the press, alleged the panel was working on behalf of former Speaker Kevin McCarthy, according to the report. Last year he helped lead an effort to oust then-Speaker McCarthy from his role.

While Gaetz claimed he had “voluntarily produced tens of thousands of records,” he gave the committee “only a couple hundred records, more than 90% of which was either irrelevant or publicly available,” the report found.

One sore point was a trip to the Bahamas, where the committee said he withheld information. Ultimately it concluded he violated rules on gifts because the trip was too high in value.

The committee also cited the Justice Department’s probe into the allegations against Gaetz as a reason for delays.

Some witnesses asked the committee to use statements they had given to the department, but it refused to share them because they had not issued charges and because it said it could deter future witnesses in other cases from coming forward.

The report ends with a single-page statement from Ethics Committee Chairman Michael Guest “on behalf of dissenting committee members” who are not named.

Those members do not challenge the committee’s findings, but disagree with releasing the report after Gaetz resigned from the House, which has not happened since 2006, they write.

It “breaks from the Committee’s long-standing practice, opens the Committee to undue criticism, and will be viewed by some as an attempt to weaponise the Committee’s process”.

Israel’s defence minister has for the first time acknowledged that Israel killed Hamas’s political leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran in July.

Israel Katz made the comments in a speech vowing to target the heads of the Iran-backed Houthi movement in Yemen, which has been firing missiles and drones at Israel.

Haniyeh was killed in a building where he was staying in the Iranian capital in an attack widely attributed to Israel.

Separately, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said some progress had been made towards agreeing a ceasefire in Gaza with Hamas, but he could not give a timeline for when a deal would be reached.

It comes after a senior Palestinian official told the BBC that talks between Hamas and Israel were 90% complete, but key issues remained.

In his speech, Katz said Israel would “strike hard” at the Houthis and “decapitate” its leadership.

“Just as we did with Haniyeh, [Yahya] Sinwar, and [Hassan] Nasrallah in Tehran, Gaza, and Lebanon, we will do so in Hodeida and Sanaa,” he said, referring to Hezbollah and Hamas leaders who have all been killed this year.

Haniyeh, 62, was widely considered Hamas’s overall leader and played a key role in negotiations aimed at reaching a ceasefire in the Gaza Strip.

After his assassination, Hamas named Yahya Sinwar, its leader in Gaza and one of the chief architects of the 7 October attacks, as the group’s overall leader.

Sinwar was killed by the Israeli military in a chance encounter in Gaza in October and the group is still in the process of choosing a new leader.

Hassan Nasrallah meanwhile was the leader of the Iran-backed Lebanese group Hezbollah – he was assassinated in Beirut in September as Israel dramatically escalated its military campaign against Hezbollah, with which it had been trading near daily cross-border fire since the day after the 7 October attacks.

The Houthis, an Iran-backed rebel group that controls north-western Yemen, began attacking Israeli and international ships in the Red Sea shortly after Israel began targeting Hamas in Gaza last October.

The group has vowed to continue until the war in Gaza ends.

On Saturday, Israel’s military said its attempts to shoot down a projectile launched from Yemen were unsuccessful and the missile struck a park in Tel Aviv. A Houthi spokesman said the group hit a military target using a hypersonic ballistic missile.

Last week Israel launched strikes against what it said were Houthi military targets, hitting ports as well as energy infrastructure in the Yemeni capital Sanaa. The US and UK have also attacked Houthi targets as part of an operation to protect international shipping.

Hamas attacked Israel in October last year, killing about 1,200 people and taking 251 people hostage.

In response, Israel launched a military campaign to destroy Hamas in Gaza which has continued for more than a year and has killed 45,317 people according to the Hamas-run health ministry in the Strip.

That figure includes 58 people killed by Israeli attacks over the past 24 hours, Hamas officials said. Local medical officials said that at least 11 people were killed in three separate strikes on the al-Mawasi area, which had been designated a “safe zone” by the Israeli military. Israel said it was targeting a Hamas fighter.

On Monday Israel said three of its soldiers had been killed in the northern Gaza Strip.

Humanitarian and rights groups have warned of a catastrophic situation for civilians in Gaza.

On Sunday Oxfam said just 12 trucks had distributed food and water in northern Gaza over the past two-and-a-half months and blamed the Israeli military for “deliberate delays and systematic obstructions”.

“For three of these, once the food and water had been delivered to the school where people were sheltering, it was then cleared and shelled within hours,” Oxfam added.

The Israeli authorities said the report was “deliberately and inaccurately” ignoring the “extensive humanitarian efforts made by Israel in the northern Gaza Strip”.

Israel insisted that specific shipments “including food, water, and medical supplies” had been sent to northern areas of Gaza, including Beit Hanoun, Beit Lahia and Jabalia, where the Israeli military has for several months been carrying out a military operation that it says is targeting Hamas fighters who had regrouped there.

The Oxfam report comes after rights groups Amnesty accused Israel of committing genocide in Gaza and Human Rights Watch (HRW) accused Israel of committing “acts of genocide” by deliberately depriving Palestinian civilians in Gaza of adequate access to water.

Israel’s foreign ministry described the Amnesty report as “entirely false and based on lies” while the Israeli foreign ministry’s spokesman said Human Rights Watch was “once more spreading its blood libels… The truth is the complete opposite of HRW’s lies”.

There is a festive chill at Sandringham on Christmas Day morning – especially when you find yourself standing outside St Mary Magdalene Church at 5am, as I often have in my years as a royal correspondent.

Last year I watched as King Charles and Queen Camilla led the royal party to church on Christmas Day, followed by the Prince and Princess of Wales, holding the hands of their children as they spoke to the crowds.

The Princess kept a firm grip on playful Prince Louis while they were given Christmas cards and presents, along with dozens of flowers.

I could never have predicted that this was the last time we would see her in person for more than six months. I was expecting to head to Italy with the couple on a royal tour, but she wouldn’t join the Royal Family on another official engagement until Trooping the Colour in June.

On 16 January, the Princess of Wales was admitted to hospital for major abdominal surgery. At the end of March, she went public with her cancer diagnosis and chemotherapy.

For her husband, it was the start of a year that he would go on to call “the hardest of his life”.

It throws up memories of Queen Elizabeth’s own “sombre year” of 1992 when there were multiple marriage breakdowns within the family and a major fire. At the time she described it with the now infamous phrase, “annus horribilis”.

In 2024, Prince William faced not only his wife’s ill health, but the King’s cancer diagnosis too, and always there in the background was the apparently unresolved conflict with his brother Prince Harry.

But it was also a year in which certain aspects of Prince William’s approach were cemented – family came first, the school run was prioritised. For the Prince of Wales, this time of turbulence appears to have reinforced what matters to him most.

Along the way, however, it has also become evident what kind of senior royal William wants to be. We’ve seen more of his apprenticeship as a global statesman, especially during the 80th anniversary of D-Day on a stage alongside world leaders – but the William way has also left some questioning certain choices he has made.

On 27 February, the Prince of Wales was due to give a reading at the thanksgiving service for the late King Constantine of Greece at St George’s Chapel in Windsor. The illustrious guest list included European royalty.

Around an hour before the service was due to begin, however, Kensington Palace announced that the Prince would be unable to attend due to a “personal matter”. There were reassuring words from the Prince’s team that there was “nothing to panic about” but it was highly unusual.

Around this time, the Princess was given the news that cancerous cells had been discovered in post-operative tests.

Over the next three weeks, the couple told the children what was happening and had time to deal with their questions privately before going public.

“I think what was remarkable was just how hard it was for the Prince of Wales at the start of the year,” says a friend of the Prince. “His wife had gone in for major surgery and it became worse than expected. Then there was, ‘How do I tell my three children that Mummy is ill?'”

All of this was happening against the backdrop of the King’s own cancer treatment, which he made public on 5 February.

“At a time when he was trying to protect his wife and children, he had that terrible thought that that if his father dies then everything changes,” says the friend.

Several people who know the Prince personally or have worked with him this year told me that the spotlight on what was wrong with his wife took its toll on both William and Catherine.

“He was having to operate against the backdrop of the entire world questioning what was happening to his wife,” one friend told me.

With his father largely out of action for several weeks and the Princess away from public duty, the royal diary was looking stretched. Prince William was adamant that public duty would have to wait until the situation at home was more settled.

It offered a hint of Prince William’s way of doing things. Yes, he understood that his was a life where duty and service are expected. But for him, a man who had experienced immense loss at a young age, his wife and children were most important of all.

There were two other important factors at home that helped the Prince of Wales support his wife and children – his in-laws, the Middletons; and living in Windsor.

When the Princess made her public announcement about her diagnosis, the message was posted on royal social media accounts, and one of the first people to publicly respond was her brother James.

Alongside a childhood holiday photo of himself and his sister, he wrote: “Over the years, we have climbed many mountains together. As a family, we will climb this one with you too.”

Together with his sister Pippa and parents Carole and Michael, the family became key to keeping life as normal as possible for the royal children. People living locally reported seeing Carole Middleton, who lives 30 miles away in Bucklebury, Berkshire, regularly driving in and out of Windsor Castle.

And when the Princess’s surgery prevented her from driving, it was her mother who often drove her daughter to school to collect the three children.

The decision to move from Kensington Palace to Windsor Castle in 2022 also proved timely.

“Windsor has been a sanctuary. It has provided the protection and privacy the family needed this year,” said a friend.

The family live in Adelaide Cottage, a four-bedroom house within the Castle grounds that is secluded enough to give the family freedom that Kensington Palace, which is located in central London, could not.

Snatched photos show the Prince of Wales using an electric scooter to get around the grounds. When on royal duty, he would occasionally reveal a snippet about life at home, such as his continued devotion to Aston Villa FC, or a favoured film or TV series – earlier this year he enjoyed action film The Fall Guy and more recently he and the Princess watched spy thriller series Black Doves on Netflix.

He has also taken his children to football matches at local clubs and both he and the Princess have continued to be part of school life at Lambrook, the private school in Berkshire that their children attend. During her treatment, the Princess was still able to be on the sidelines during sports days.

All of this appears to have pushed other personal issues right down the Prince’s agenda.

The rancour between William and Harry is said to remain. Harry has visited the UK over the past 12 months but is not believed to have met his brother. They are thought to have not spoken to one another in around two years.

There have been new controversies around Prince Andrew in recent months too, including revelations about his links to Chinese businessman Yang Tengbo, who was barred from the UK after concerns about national security risks. Prince Andrew has said that he had ceased contact with Mr Yang.

But the prince did not attend the Royal Family’s traditional pre-Christmas lunch.

Such matters will have been dealt with by the King but, as heir to the throne, William’s voice in family matters is increasingly significant.

Robert Hardman, journalist and author of Charles III: New King. New Court. The Inside Story, says the relationship between Charles and his eldest son “has reached a new level of understanding”.

“We still have a tendency to look at William as the kid, the apprentice, the understudy,” he says. “But he’s now been a front rank royal for 10 years. He’s been around the block more than many current heads of State.”

Unusually, much of what the Prince has said about his year has come directly from him rather than via formal statements or briefings.

During his visit to South Africa in November for the Earthshot Prize, the Prince’s environmental project, he spoke about his passion for the cause but also about the struggles of 2024.

“From a family point of view, it’s been brutal,” he told the group of us who had travelled to Cape Town. For someone who has been guarded in the past, his language was surprisingly frank.

His demeanour was open and positive too, clearly energised by Earthshot and being back in Africa, but he a gave a glimpse into how he conflicted he was when he viewed his role as Prince of Wales.

“It’s a tricky one,” he said. “Do I like more responsibility? No. Do I like the freedom that I can build something like Earthshot, then yes.”

What struck me the most after spending almost a week in Cape Town was how he framed his outlook on the modern monarchy, saying he wanted to do the job with a “smaller R in Royal”.

“I’m trying to do it differently,” he admitted, “and I’m trying to do it for my generation.”

What he meant was not doing things in the same way as his father and grandmother.

Charles and William “are different characters”, observes Robert Hardman. “The King is more intellectually curious, and spiritually and theologically engaged. These areas aren’t of deep interest to William.

“The tone of their communication is different. The King remains fairly traditional. William has his own way of doing things.”

Some have questioned the William way. One critic, Graham Smith, chief executive of the anti-monarchy group Republic, argues against the Prince’s decision to focus his efforts on the issue of homelessness.

“[It is] crass and hypocritical of William to get involved in it, given the excessive wealth we gift him,” he argues.

However, Mr Hardman disputes the notion that William’s involvement in projects like this are inappropriate. “I think William is currently a more conventional Prince of Wales than his father was at this age. Prince Charles was a more radical heir to the throne.

“The creation of the Prince’s Trust sounded alarm bells at Buckingham Palace and Downing Street. William isn’t ringing alarm bells.”

Prince William has far fewer patronages than his father. The King currently has 669 – many maintained from his 70 years as heir to the throne. Prince William’s slimline, more focused approach leaves him with around 30.

It is a deliberate strategy: fewer projects but higher impact in the hope of bringing about social change. Those who have worked closely with him this year praise this approach.

“His contribution is unbelievable,” said Hannah Jones, the CEO of the Earthshot Prize. “He has set the vision.”

But that bold action comes with more risk.

Last month, I travelled to Newport in South Wales with the Prince to meet those working on his homelessness project in the city. It was 10 months since his wife’s cancer diagnosis, her chemotherapy was complete and William seemed to me to be less burdened by life.

He was in listening mode, and spoke to dozens of people. In some of the conversations, it struck me how many ventured into the political.

The Prince told the project team to think differently, to be disruptors and challenge the way things had always been done.

“We drive in a very non-political lane,” a royal source told me. “We use our platform to convene and shine the spotlight on a societal issue and that remains unchanged. We are feeling bullish about what we can achieve even in really hard circumstances.”

In the years ahead William will no doubt face further challenges around his role. In this current age of social media, for example, deference and respect for monarchy isn’t the mood in the room.

But it is clear from his public work that he doesn’t view his future as one filled with plaque unveilings and handshaking.

“I have to be seen to be believed,” is a quote attributed to his grandmother, Queen Elizabeth II. For her grandson, the approach is more: “I have to be seen to be making a difference.”

Through 2024, he has ticked off meetings with many world leaders from the Emperor of Japan to the President of South Africa rounded off by the US president-elect, cementing his role on the global stage, promoting the UK with a touch of soft diplomacy.

Next November, the COP climate summit is being held in Brazil and the Prince is “looking forward to playing a role there”. An Earthshot Prize in Brazil may be a possibility too.

Ultimately, the development of Prince William as family man-meets-global statesman is ongoing – and he’s looking increasingly comfortable juggling both roles.

The British-born wife of deposed Syrian president Bashar al-Assad is not seeking a divorce, a Kremlin spokesman has said.

Reports in Turkish media had suggested Asma al-Assad wanted to end her marriage and leave Russia, where she and her husband were granted asylum after a rebel coalition overthrew the former president’s regime and took control of Damascus.

Asked about the reports in a news conference call, Dmitry Peskov said, “No, they do not correspond to reality.”

He also denied reports that Assad had been confined to Moscow and that his property assets had been frozen.

Russia was a staunch ally of the Assad regime and offered it military support during the civil war.

But reports in Turkish media on Sunday suggested the Assads were living under severe restrictions in the Russian capital, and that the former Syrian first lady had filed for divorce and wanted to return to London.

Mrs Assad is a dual Syrian-British national, but the UK foreign secretary has previously said she would not be allowed to return to Britain.

Speaking in parliament earlier this month, David Lammy said: “I want it confirmed that she’s a sanctioned individual and is not welcome here in the UK.”

He added he would do “everything I can in my power” to ensure no member of the Assad family “finds a place in the UK”.

In a statement attributed to Bashar al-Assad last week, he said he had never intended to flee Syria, but he was airlifted from a Russian military base at Moscow’s request.

Asma al-Assad, 49, was born in the UK to Syrian parents in 1975 and grew up in Acton, west London.

She moved to Syria in 2000 at the age of 25 and married her husband just months after he succeeded his father as president.

Throughout her 24 years as Syria’s first lady, Mrs Assad was a subject of curiosity in western media.

A controversial 2011 Vogue profile called her “a rose in the desert” and described her as “the freshest and most magnetic of first ladies”. The article has since been removed from the Vogue website.

Just one month later, Mrs Assad was criticised for remaining silent while her husband violently repressed pro-democracy campaigners at the start of the Syrian civil war.

The conflict went on to claim the lives of around half a million people, with her husband accused of using chemical weapons against civilians.

In 2016, Mrs Assad told Russian state-backed television she had rejected a deal to offer her safe passage out of the war-torn nation in order to stand by her husband.

She announced she was being treated for breast cancer in 2018 and said she had made a full recovery one year later.

She was diagnosed with leukaemia and began treatment for the disease in May this year, the office of then-President Assad announced.

A statement said she would “temporarily withdraw” from public engagements.

Residents in an Australian region engulfed by bushfires were given two hours to return home to collect their belongings before Christmas on Tuesday, as emergency crews try to contain the blaze.

Communities around the Grampians, in Victoria, have been evacuated amid warnings from authorities that conditions there in the days ahead could be the worst since Australia’s most severe fire season on record, the so-called “Black Summer” of 2019-20.

The bushfires have already burnt over 41,000 hectares (101,000 acres) of land in the past week, however there have been no deaths or loss of property.

Intense heat forecast for Boxing Day has also prompted a string of fire warnings across the country.

Throughout Victoria, temperatures are expected to reach 40C (104F) and be accompanied by strong dry winds, while parts of South Australia and New South Wales could also face bushfire conditions on Thursday into Friday.

“We’re expecting to see extreme fire danger across almost the entire state,” Luke Hegarty, a spokesman for Victoria’s State Control Centre, said.

“This is the most significant fire danger that the state has seen – across the whole sections of state that we’re talking about – since Black Summer. It’s important that people understand that Thursday is a day with serious potential,” he added.

Four interstate firefighting forces and two incident management teams – made up of over 100 personnel – will land in Victoria in the coming days to provide reprieve for emergency crews that have been working around the clock to fight the current fires.

The decision to give families around the Grampians temporary access to their homes “to get Christmas items … presents and the like” on Tuesday morning was made by the state’s Country Fire Authority (CFA) chief officer, Jason Heffernan.

“[This is] to ensure if the residents of Halls Gap will be relocated for Christmas, at least they will have what they need,” he told Seven’s Sunrise programme.

Mary Ann Brown, who lives on the southern edge of the Grampians National Park, told the ABC that her community are on edge heading into the holidays.

“We are not out of the woods until we get a really good drop of rain and that may not come until March or April, so it’s going to be a long summer.”

Parts of Australia have been on high alert for bushfire danger this summer, following several quieter seasons compared with the 2019-20 fires which were linked to hundreds of deaths and swept across 24 million hectares of land.

The country has reeled from disaster to disaster in recent years, experiencing both record breaking floods and extreme heat, as it feels the effects of climate change.

A Nasa spacecraft is attempting to make history with the closest ever approach to the Sun.

The Parker Solar Probe is plunging into our star’s outer atmosphere, enduring brutal temperatures and extreme radiation.

It’s out of communication for several days during this burning hot fly-by and scientists will be waiting for a signal, expected on 27 December, to see if it has survived.

The hope is the probe could help us to better understand how the Sun works.

Dr Nicola Fox, head of science at Nasa, told BBC News: “For centuries, people have studied the Sun, but you don’t experience the atmosphere of a place until you actually go visit it.

“And so we can’t really experience the atmosphere of our star unless we fly through it.”

Parker Solar Probe launched in 2018, heading to the centre of our Solar System.

It has already swept past the Sun 21 times, getting ever nearer, but the Christmas Eve visit is record-breaking.

At its closest approach, the probe is 3.8 million miles (6.2 million km) from our star’s surface.

This might not sound that close, but Nasa’s Nicola Fox puts it into perspective: “We are 93 million miles away from the Sun, so if I put the Sun and the Earth one metre apart, Parker Solar Probe is four centimetres from the Sun – so that’s close.”

The probe will have to endure temperatures of 1,400C and radiation that could frazzle the onboard electronics.

It’s protected by a 11.5cm (4.5 inches) thick carbon-composite shield but the spacecraft’s tactic is to get in and out fast.

In fact, it will be moving faster than any human made object, hurtling at 430,000mph – the equivalent of flying from London to New York in less than 30 seconds.

So why go to all this effort to “touch” the Sun?

Scientists hope that as the spacecraft passes through our star’s outer atmosphere – its corona – it will solve a long standing mystery.

“The corona is really, really hot, and we have no idea why,” explains Dr Jenifer MIllard, an astronomer at Fifth Star Labs.

“The surface of the Sun is about 6,000C or so, but the corona, this tenuous outer atmosphere that you can see during solar eclipses, reaches millions of degrees – and that is further away from the Sun. So how is that atmosphere getting hotter?”

The mission should also help scientists to better understand solar wind – the constant stream of charged particles bursting out from the corona.

When these particles interact with the Earth’s magnetic field the sky lights up with dazzling auroras.

But this so called space weather can cause problems too, knocking out power-grids, electronics and communication systems.

“Understanding the Sun, its activity, space weather, the solar wind, is so important to our everyday lives on Earth,” says Dr Millard.

Nasa scientists face an anxious wait over Christmas while the spacecraft is out of touch with Earth.

Nicola Fox says that as soon as a signal is beamed back home, the team will text her a green heart to let her know the probe is OK.

She admits she’s nervous about the audacious attempt, but she has faith in the probe.

“I will worry about the spacecraft. But we really have designed it to withstand all of these brutal, brutal conditions. It’s a tough, tough little spacecraft.”

Greenland has once again said it is not for sale after US President-elect Donald Trump said he wanted to take control of the territory.

“Greenland belongs to the people of Greenland,” its prime minister said on Monday, a day after Trump repeated comments about the Arctic island that he first made several years ago.

Greenland, which is an autonomous Danish territory, is home to a large US space facility and lies on the shortest route from the US to Europe, meaning it is strategically important for America.

There was no immediate response to Trump’s comments from Denmark.

Writing on his social media platform, Truth Social, on Sunday, the US president-elect said: “For purposes of National Security and Freedom throughout the World, the United States of America feels that the ownership and control of Greenland is an absolute necessity.”

His comments prompted a sharp rebuke from Greenland’s Prime Minister Mute Egede, who said: “We are not for sale and we will not be for sale.”

“We must not lose our long struggle for freedom. However, we must continue to be open to co-operation and trade with the whole world, especially with our neighbours,” he said.

Trump’s controversial remarks came hours after he announced that he intended to nominate Ken Howery, his former ambassador to Sweden, to be the new ambassador to Denmark.

Mr Howery said he was “deeply humbled” by the nomination and looked forward to working with the staff at the US embassy in Copenhagen and the US consulate in Greenland to “deepen the bonds between our countries”.

Trump’s original suggestion in 2019 that the US acquire Greenland, which is the world’s largest island, led to a similarly sharp rebuke from leaders there.

The then Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederickson, who still holds the role, described the idea as “absurd”, leading Trump to cancel a state trip to the country.

He is not the first US president to suggest buying Greenland. The idea was first mooted during the 1860s under the presidency of Andrew Johnson.

Separately on Sunday, Donald Trump threatened to reassert control over the Panama Canal, one of the world’s most important waterways – accusing Panama of charging excessive fees for access to it.

Panama’s president later said “every square metre” of the canal and surrounding area belonged to his country.

Honda and Nissan plan to merge as the two Japanese firms seek to fight back against competition from the Chinese car industry.

Joining forces would create one of the world’s biggest car producers alongside Toyota, Volkswagen, General Motors and Ford.

The potentially multibillion dollar deal to combat “the rise of Chinese power” was a key driver behind the plan, said Honda’s chief executive Toshihiro Mibe.

Mr Mibe said a plan to “fight back” needs to be in place by 2030, or they risk being “beaten” by rivals.

The merger, which would include Mitsubishi – of which Nissan is the biggest shareholder – would allow all three companies to share resources against other electric vehicle competitors such as Tesla.

The growing electric car market has been increasingly dominated by Chinese-made electric vehicles, including BYD, which have posed a threat to some of the world’s best known car firms.

“There is a rise of Chinese power and emerging forces and the structure of the automobile industry is changing,” Mr Mibe told reporters at a press conference announcing the merger talks.

Growing competition in China has left many car makers struggling to compete, as lower labour and manufacturing costs make local firms more nimble and able to price their goods lower than foreign counterparts, making them far more attractive to buyers.

It has led to China becoming the world’s biggest producer of electric vehicles.

In October, EU officials said the Chinese state was unfairly subsidising its EV makers and announced big taxes on imports of EVs from China to the EU, after the majority of member states backed the plans. The tariffs are set to rise from 10% to 45% for the next five years, but there are concerns it could raise EV prices higher for buyers.

The total sales of Nissan and Honda is more than $191bn (£152bn), said Nissan’s chief executive, Makoto Uchida.

In March, the two Japanese car makers agreed to explore a strategic partnership for electric vehicles (EVs).

“The talks started because we believe that we must build up capabilities to fight them, including the current emerging forces, by 2030. Otherwise we will be beaten”, said Mr Mibe.

He added that the deal was not a bailout of Nissan, which has been struggling with falling sales.

In November, Nissan said it will cut around 9,000 jobs as it slashes global production to tackle a drop in sales in China and the US. The cuts mean its global production will be reduced by a fifth.

Nissan, once a symbol of Japan’s car making strength, has spent the past few years trying to regain its footing after the arrest of longtime chief executive Carlos Ghosn.

Mr Ghosn faced charges of financial misconduct when he fled Japan in 2019, and is currently the subject of an Interpol Red Notice, which is a request to law enforcement worldwide to find and arrest a person.

Mr Ghosn, currently in Lebanon, told reporters in December that Nissan’s merger plans were an act of panic and desperation.

Mr Mibe said that any merger would be dependent on the turnaround of Nissan.

Honda and Nissan agreed in March to cooperate in their EV businesses, and in August deepened their ties, agreeing to work together on batteries and other technology.

However, any deal is likely to come under intense political scrutiny in Japan as it may result in job cuts, whilst Nissan is likely to unwind its alliance with French auto firm Renault.

With just weeks left in office, US President Joe Biden has commuted the sentences of 37 of 40 federal death row inmates – potentially thwarting President-elect Donald Trump’s plans to expand federal executions during his upcoming administration.

Biden’s move was swiftly condemned by Republicans, with some accusing the president of siding with criminals over law-abiding Americans.

Federal executions were relatively rare before Trump’s first term in office, which finished with a flurry of executions that ended a 130-year-old precedent of pausing executions amid a presidential transition.

He has vowed to resume the practice when he returns to the White House in January, setting the stage for possible legal battles early in the administration.

Here’s what we know.

On Monday, Biden commuted the sentences of 37 out of 40 death row inmates, switching their penalty to life without parole.

Only three inmates were left to face the death penalty, including convicted Boston marathon bomber Dzhokhar Tsarnaev and Robert Bowers, who was sentenced to death for killing 11 worshippers and wounding seven during a shooting at a the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh in 2018.

The third, Dylann Roof, was sentenced to death in 2017 for a mass shooting that left nine black parishioners dead at the Mother Emanuel AME church in Charleston, South Carolina, in 2015.

While the move was widely praised by human rights groups such as Amnesty International, it was quickly condemned by some Republicans, as well as Trump’s transition team and political allies.

In a statement, Trump communications director Steven Cheung said that “these are among the worst killers in the world and this abhorrent decision by Joe Biden is a slap in the face to the victims, their families, and their loved ones.

“President Trump stands for the rule of law, which will return when he is back in the White House,” he added.

Texas Republican Chip Roy, for example, tweeted that the decision was “unconscionable” and an abuse of power “to carry out a miscarriage of justice”.

Another Republican, Arkansas Senator Tom Cotton, said that “when given the choice between law-abiding Americans or criminals, Joe Biden and the Democrats choose criminals every time.”

Some family members also expressed anger.

On Facebook, Heather Turner – whose mother was killed in a 2017 bank robbery – called the commutations a “gross abuse of power”.

“At no point did the president consider the victims,” she wrote. “He, and his supporters, have blood on their hands.”

The commutations do not apply to the approximately 2,200 death row inmates convicted by state courts, over which the president holds no authority.

Over the course of his election campaign, Trump vowed to resume federal executions and make more people eligible to receive the death penalty, including those convicted of raping children or drug and human-trafficking cases, as well as migrants who kill US citizens or police officers.

“These are terrible, terrible, horrible people who are responsible for death, carnage and crime all over the country,” Trump said when he announced his presidential candidacy in 2022.

“We’re going to be asking everyone who sells drugs, gets caught, to receive the death penalty for their heinous acts,” he added.

There are more than 40 federal laws that can, in theory, result in the death penalty, ranging from murders committed during a drug-related shooting to genocide.

Almost all – with the exception of espionage and treason – explicitly involve the death of a victim.

Trump, however, has provided few details on how he plans to accomplish his campaign pledge.

Despite the lack of clarity, Trump’s vows to expand the federal death penalty have elicited strong warnings from human rights advocates.

In an 11 December statement, for example, the American Civil Liberties Union said Trump’s “chilling” plans amount to an expansion of the “killing spree he initiated in the final six months of his first presidency”.

“He’s already shown us that he will act on these promises,” the statement said.

The inmates executed during the waning days of Trump’s first administration included Lisa Montgomery, the first woman executed by the federal government since 1953, and Lezmond Mitchell, the only Native American on federal death row.

Trump’s efforts to expand the death penalty to crimes that do not involve murder are likely to face legal challenges.

In 2008, for example, the Supreme Court ruled that those convicted of raping children cannot be executed, adding that it’s unclear if the death penalty could be applied to crimes in which a victim is not killed.

According to the National Registry of Exonerations, cases with child victims are particularly prone to wrongful convictions, can be “extremely emotional” and pit family members against one another.

Any further expansion of crimes that are eligible for the federal death penalty would require Congress to act and change the law.

In 2024, two bills – both sponsored by Florida Republican and Trump ally Anna Paulina Luna – sought to expand the use of capital offences to include possession of child pornography, as well as the trafficking, exploitation and abuse of children.

Both failed to pass in the House of Representatives.

Trump is also unlikely to be able to quickly re-populate the pool of federal death row inmates, as most death penalty cases take years and are subject to lengthy appeals processes.

While he does not have any direct authority over state executions, some experts have warned that Trump’s pro-death penalty stance may trigger more executions at a state level.

“His rhetoric can and has spurred draconian measures and attitudes by leaders in states on several issues, including in the context of the criminal legal system,” Yasmin Cader, a deputy legal director at the American Civil Liberties Union and director of the Trone Center for Justice and Equality told CNN.

In addition to the federal government and US military, 27 US states still have the death penalty on the books.

A Gallup poll conducted in October found that a slim majority of Americans – 53% – support the death penalty for convicted murderers, up from 50% a year before.