MIKE POMPEO: Operation Epic Fury is righteous, and regime change must follow

The joint U.S.-Israeli military operation against the Iranian regime is just and imperative. 

After drawing clear red lines over the continued mass execution of Iranian civilians, the pursuit of nuclear weapons and continued support for global terrorism, President Donald Trump has made the judicious decision that the ayatollah could no longer be permitted to act with impunity. 

With God’s help, our troops will be able to fulfill this mission safely and secure an outcome that keeps all Americans safe.

This action by itself is an important step toward removing the threat posed by this evil regime, and a natural follow-up to the joint U.S.-Israeli mission to degrade Iran’s nuclear program, Operation Midnight Hammer. However, kinetic strikes alone are not sufficient. America will never be safe as long as this fundamentalist, anti-American dictatorship remains in power.

President Trump understands this and has called on the Iranian people to take advantage of this unique chance to take back their country: “The hour of your freedom is at hand… For many years, you have asked for America’s help, but you never got it… Now you have a president who is giving you what you want.”

It’s difficult to understate the historic implications of that statement, a move that is as strategically necessary as it is morally appropriate. It affirms the central truth that there will be no chance for peace or stability in the region until the ayatollah and his entire rotten regime are gone for good, and the Iranian people are given the chance to determine their own future.

We have nearly five decades of experience to confirm that the Islamic Republic is an entirely irredeemable governing entity. Terrorism, oppression and vicious hatred of America, Israel and the West are part of its DNA; and its fundamentalist, millenarian vision is incompatible with peaceful coexistence with the civilized world. America — and the world — will never be safe if this regime survives in any form.

For those who blanch at the mention of “regime change,” let’s be clear: The Iranian dictatorship is not just any authoritarian state. The United States government has often had to make deals with governments we find abhorrent, yet whose cooperation is necessary to protect our interests. As Jeane Kirkpatrick famously argued in her landmark essay, “Dictatorships and Double Standards,” protecting America’s interests requires stakesmen to be able to distinguish temporary partnerships with unsavory governments from appeasing enemies of the United States.

From Day 1, the Islamic Republic’s position on America has been clear: They hate us and would like to see us obliterated. From the Americans taken hostage in the earliest days of the Islamic Revolution; to the years of funding and orchestrating terrorist attacks against American civilians and military personnel; to the weekly chants of “Death to America;” to funding the proxy forces wreaking havoc throughout the Middle East; to partnering with our adversaries to undermine us in every theater, the Islamic Republic has been a consistent, highly dangerous enemy of the United States and to all who desire peace in the Middle East.

There can be no resolution to this problem until this regime is consigned to the dustbin of history. That doesn’t mean the U.S. should conquer Iran or install some kind of puppet government. It means attacking each pillar of the regime’s power in order to make its continued survival impossible, while creating the space for Iran’s organized democratic opposition to come to the fore and form a new government.

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That transition can only come from the Iranian people, and, thankfully, there is an expansive national movement ready to do just that. Indeed, the Iranian people have made their preference abundantly clear in repeated waves of resistance stretching back to the beginnings of the Islamic Republic. 

They do not want a theocracy. They want a republic that is free, democratic and accountable to the citizenry. This is the only viable path to neutralize the threat from Iran and integrate it into the community of nations.

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The benefits of such a shift would be truly historic. Terrorists would lose their primary sponsor; America’s adversaries would lose a key outpost; incredible economic opportunities would develop; and the highly-educated Iranian population could emerge as a natural partner for the United States.

We’ve taken the first step toward a future in which this uniquely destructive and truly evil dictatorship can no longer hold the world hostage. But we can’t resolve this problem if we don’t finish the job. Supporting a free Iran isn’t just the right thing to do; it is a strategic necessity that will make the world a far safer and more prosperous place. 

May God bless our servicemen and women as they carry out this noble endeavor, and may the Lord give the people of Iran the courage to embrace this chance for freedom.

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JONATHAN TURLEY: Trump strikes Iran — precedent and history are on his side

With the launch of attacks on Iran, some have already declared the strikes unconstitutional. That includes the immediate condemnation of Rep. Thomas Massie. The precedent, however, favors the president in this action, though the attack triggers obligations of notice and consultation with Congress.

I am highly sympathetic to those who criticize the failure to seek declarations of war from Congress before carrying out such operations. Indeed, I have represented members of Congress in opposing such wars. We lost. The courts have allowed presidents to order such attacks unilaterally. 

Article II, Section 2 of the Constitution states that “the President shall be commander in chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states.” However, the Constitution also expressly states that Congress has the power to declare war under Article I, Section 8, Clause 11.

Our last declared war was World War II. Since that time, Congress and the courts have allowed for resolutions to supplant the declaration requirement. They have also allowed for unilateral attacks on other nations.

President Trump has referred to this action as a “war” and said that it will not be a limited operation.

The attack will result in calls for compliance with the War Powers Resolution, passed by Congress in 1973.

The resolution requires “in the absence of a declaration of war” that a president report to Congress within 48 hours after introducing United States military forces into hostilities. The WPR mandates that operations must end within 60 days absent congressional approval.

Notably, there was a recent secret briefing of the “Gang of Eight” that may have included a foreshadowing of this operation. Secretary of State Marco Rubio confirmed on Saturday that he has given notice to those senators.

Under the WPR:

“The President in every possible instance shall consult with Congress before introducing United States Armed Forces into hostilities or into situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances, and after every such introduction shall consult regularly with the Congress until United States Armed Forces are no longer engaged in hostilities or have been removed from such situations.”

The WPR limits such authority to “hostilities, or into situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances,” and can be exercised “only pursuant to (1) a declaration of war, (2) specific statutory authorization, or (3) a national emergency created by attack upon the United States, its territories or possessions, or its armed forces.”

President Trump has cited the documented attacks of Iran and its proxies on U.S. forces and its allies. It is also a state sponsor of terrorism and has continued to seek nuclear weapons in defiance of the demands of the international community. Recently, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) announced that Iran had again barred it from these sites.

There has historically been deference to presidents exercising such judgments under this vague standard. That was certainly the case with the attacks in Bosnia and Libya under Democratic presidents.

Even with the highly deferential language, presidents have long chaffed at the limitations of WPR. Nixon’s veto of the legislation was overridden. Past Democratic and Republican presidents, including Obama, have asserted their inherent authority under Article II to carry out such operations.

There is always a fair amount of hypocrisy in these moments. There was no widespread outcry when Obama attacked Libya, particularly from Democrats. When I represented members to challenge the undeclared war in Libya, Obama (like Trump) dismissed any need to get congressional approval in attacking the capital city of a foreign nation and military sites to force regime change. Figures like then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton were lionized for their tough action in Libya.

Critics can also rely on Authorizations for the Use of Military Force (AUMFs) to assert limits on the president when authorizing limited, defined military actions. Such resolutions date back to the Adams Administration in the Quasi-War with France.

A 2001 AUMF authorized the President “to use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001.” It also authorized presidents to take military action to prevent future acts of terrorism against the United States.

The 2002 AUMF authorizes the President to use “necessary and appropriate” force to “defend the national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq.” Past presidents have interpreted these AUMFs to extend to new threats and beyond countries like Iraq.

In a 2018 report, the Trump Administration declared that the 2002 AUMF “contains no geographic limitation on where authorized force may be employed.”

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Obama, Biden, and Trump have cited the 2002 AUMF as supporting past attacks in Syria. The Biden attacks included targets in Iraq and Yemen. Trump also cited the 2002 AUMF in taking out Iranian Gen. Qassem Soleimani, the leader of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) Quds Force.

President Biden’s reliance on the 2002 AUMF (and the 2001 AUMF) for “necessary and proportionate” attacks was ironic since he previously supported rescinding the 2002 AUMF.

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The administration is likely to consult with Congress in light of these attacks. Congress can seek to bar or limit operations in the coming days. Given the fluid events, many members are likely to wait to watch the initial results and, frankly, the polling on the attacks. However, these operations could take days or even weeks. The longer the operation continues, the calls for congressional action will likely increase.

As an initial matter, however, Trump is using authority that prior presidents, including Democratic presidents, have cited in carrying out major attacks on other countries. History and prior precedent are on his side in carrying out these initial attacks.

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DR MARC SIEGEL: A racial slur at BAFTA — and what tolerance really means

The 79th British Academy Film Awards, or BAFTAs, were broadcast on the BBC on Sunday, February 22. As Fox News reported, the BBC was forced to issue an apology “after a racial slur was shouted by an audience member with Tourette syndrome” during the BAFTA broadcast. this audience member was none other than the renowned Scottish Tourette’s activist, John Davidson.

“John Davidson, who has severe Tourette syndrome and was the inspiration for the BAFTA-nominated biographical film ‘I Swear,’ was heard shouting the n-word while Black actors Michael B. Jordan and Delroy Lindo were on stage. During other portions of the program, Davidson was heard shouting profanities, including ‘f— you’ and ‘shut the f— up.’”

Beginning with “John’s Not Angry,” a documentary about John Davidson’s behavior due to Tourette’s syndrome released in 1989, to “I Swear,” which won multiple awards at the British Academy of Film and Television Arts this week, Davidson has been an incredible ambassador for the disease, culminating in his being awarded an MBE (Most Excellent Order of the British Empire) in 2019. 

It is now ironic that the very unprovoked and unbridled manifestations of the disease — which led him to say again that he feels ashamed — are the very manifestations that require forbearance and understanding on the part of others.

Actors at the BAFTA awards who said that Davidson was being racist for hurling racial epithets are not correct. His outbursts are organic, were a manifestation of the disease, not evidence of some underlying belief that many people try to mask. The BBC has admitted fault for not editing them out, but performers and presenters at BAFTA should also have been forewarned. I don’t believe that Davidson should have been barred from being present at the very awards that celebrated his condition and the need to accept it.

John Davidson is 54-years-old and first knew there was something seriously wrong at age 9, when he began skipping down the streets and licking the lampposts of London. 

This was followed by episodes of spitting food at family members, which led to his father leaving the family altogether. John Davidson — the man whose true story beat the A-list at the BAFTAs — has refused to be defined by his condition. This is inspiring.

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But Davidson has never given in to the debilitating life of severe Tourette’s. In fact, his advocacy for increased awareness is heroic and has led to a growing effort to destigmatize an embarrassing and demoralizing disease, which leads almost 50 percent of its adult sufferers to consider suicide — Davidson among them.

Davidson has lived a life of stress and shame and has had a heart attack, as well as heart surgery. He has tried various treatments, including antipsychotic medications (which he didn’t tolerate) and a wristband called Neupulse, which releases electrical pulses in an attempt to decrease the urge to tic (it worked for him to some extent). Deep brain stimulation is a promising treatment for severe Tourette’s that is still being studied.

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Keep in mind that Tourette’s is a spectrum disorder, meaning it has a range of associated symptoms. “Tics” can be mild, repetitive body movements, twitches or sounds, all the way up to the coprolalia that Davidson exhibited, which involves “the involuntary outburst of obscene words or socially inappropriate and derogatory remarks.” It affects only 10 to 30 percent of Tourette’s sufferers. Most importantly, the lack of control that it causes does not reveal underlying racism, disrespect or rage. It is a neurological condition involving increased disruption of dopamine release and sensitivity, as well as problems with the limbic system of the brain.

With over 300,000 people suffering from some form of Tourette’s in the U.K. and more than 1 million in the U.S. — and up to 1 percent of the world’s population living with some form of the disorder — it is important that we pursue not only more advanced treatments but also greater sensitivity and empathy.

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Our Boeing ‘Freedom Plane’ is bringing founding documents to all Americans

In an era when our shared history should be celebrated, our founding principles cherished and the extraordinary sacrifices that built this nation remembered, Boeing is proud to partner with the National Archives an unprecedented mission: bringing some of America’s founding documents directly to the American people.

The Freedom Plane National Tour: Documents That Forged a Nation represents something rare in modern America: a commitment to unifying, educating and honoring the timeless truths that have made our republic the greatest force for freedom the world has ever known.

Beginning Monday, March 2, a Boeing 737 in a historic, commemorative Freedom Plane livery – will carry original, founding-era documents to eight cities across the nation. These are the actual documents some of our Founders held in their hands: the Treaty of Paris, an original engraving of the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Association, Oaths of Allegiance and more.

For most Americans, experiencing these documents has meant traveling to Washington, D.C. The Freedom Plane changes that equation. From Kansas City to Atlanta, from Denver to Seattle, from Miami to Los Angeles, the tour is helping to bring history home to the American people using the innovation of modern flight.

The Freedom Plane offers something our digital age desperately needs: a tangible connection to the past. Inspired by the 1976 Bicentennial Freedom Train that captivated millions of Americans during our 200th anniversary, the Freedom Plane revives that vision for America’s 250th birthday.

Boeing is honored to provide not only the 737 – an aircraft that helped make air travel more accessible – but also the professionalism and operational support necessary to safely transport these irreplaceable treasures. Just as Boeing airplanes have connected people and places for generations, the Freedom Plane will connect Americans to the ideas and sacrifices that forged our nation.

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Boeing has been building the future of American aviation for over a century, and that future is only possible because of the freedoms our Founders secured. The same Constitution that protects free enterprise and rewards innovation has enabled Boeing and countless American companies to thrive. We owe a debt of gratitude to those who came before us, and the Freedom Plane is just one way we can acknowledge that.

This tour also reflects Boeing’s deep roots in American defense and our ongoing commitment to the men and women who defend these founding principles in uniform today. Our service members take an oath to support and defend the Constitution. The Freedom Plane ensures that document and the vision it represents remains accessible to the citizens they protect.

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From coast to coast, the Freedom Plane will carry more than documents. It will carry the promise that America’s story belongs to every American, in every city, in every generation. Boeing is proud to help make history accessible, tangible, and inspiring for millions who might never otherwise experience these national treasures.

The ideas that forged our nation are worth preserving, celebrating and sharing with our children and grandchildren. The Freedom Plane will help us do exactly that.

America strikes Iran again — has Washington planned for what comes next?

The second round has begun. The United States and Israel have launched coordinated military strikes inside Iran, citing an existential threat tied to Tehran’s nuclear and missile programs. Explosions have been reported in Tehran and other cities. Iranian airspace was penetrated. Iran’s Supreme Leader has reportedly been moved to a secure location. Tehran has already launched counter-missiles and is vowing further retaliation, including potential strikes against U.S. bases if attacks continue.

The strikes are called “Operation Epic Fury.” It is the most significant U.S.-Israeli strike on Iran since last year’s Operation Midnight Hammer.

The military question was never whether we could strike.

It was always what happens next.

We’ve Been Here Before

Last June, Operation Midnight Hammer sent seven B-2 stealth bombers and a guided-missile submarine against Fordow, Natanz and Isfahan. Fourteen 30,000-pound bunker-busters and more than two dozen Tomahawk cruise missiles struck in under half an hour. President Donald Trump called it “complete and total obliteration.”

It was not. Damage was severe. But subsequent intelligence assessments concluded the program was set back by months, not years. Iran had reportedly moved portions of its enriched uranium stockpile before the strikes. By late 2025, the International Atomic Energy Agency acknowledged it could no longer fully verify Iran’s nuclear inventory after inspectors were restricted or expelled.

Military force destroyed facilities. It did not erase knowledge. It did not dissolve intent.

Tehran absorbed that lesson.

Now Washington must show it has absorbed lessons of its own.

The Retaliation Ladder

Iran has already begun responding. The likely pattern is familiar: calibrated escalation.

Expect proxy attacks, cyber operations, missile signaling and maritime pressure. The Strait of Hormuz remains Tehran’s most powerful economic lever. Roughly one-fifth of global petroleum flows through that corridor. After the first strike, Iran’s parliament voted to close it, then backed down. A second confrontation, with succession dynamics now in play, may not follow the same script.

If Iran directly targets U.S. forces in large numbers, escalation could move quickly beyond limited strike-for-strike exchanges. The difference between a punitive raid and a sustained campaign is often one missile too many.

The Regime is Damaged — Not Gone

Those expecting collapse should be cautious. On December 28, 2025, protests erupted in Tehran’s Grand Bazaar and spread nationwide. Thousands were killed or detained. The regime shook — but did not fall.

Security forces did not fracture. Senior defections did not materialize. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei is eighty-six. Succession is looming. Karim Sadjadpour has described the moment as the “Autumn of the Ayatollahs,” a system under strain but still intact. The Council on Foreign Relations outlines three plausible post-Khamenei outcomes: continuity, IRGC dominance, or fragmentation. None guarantees moderation.

If clerical rule weakens further, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps remains the most organized institution in the country.

External strikes can fracture regimes. They can also consolidate hardliners.

The Revolutionary Guard may emerge stronger, not weaker.

The Opposition Question 

Some outside Iran look to Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi. He has name recognition and diaspora support. But symbolic leadership and governing capacity are not interchangeable. He does not command a structured internal apparatus capable of immediately administering a 92 million-person state.

AYATOLLAH’S ARSENAL VS. AMERICAN FIREPOWER: IRAN’S TOP 4 THREATS AND HOW WE FIGHT BACK

Others point to the MEK (Mujahedin-e Khalq) and the NCRI. They maintain an organized external network and cite congressional resolutions such as H.Res. 100 and H.Res. 1148 supporting a democratic, secular, non-nuclear Iran. Reports have described MEK-linked fighters mounting coordinated operations against regime compounds, signaling operational reach.

But operational reach does not equal governing legitimacy. The MEK’s wartime alignment with Saddam Hussein continues to shadow its domestic credibility. An armed opposition group can destabilize a regime. Governing the aftermath requires broader national consent.

At present, there is no clear post-regime blueprint.

That matters more today than it did yesterday.

China and Russia Will Not Sit Idle

Beijing and Moscow condemned earlier strikes but avoided direct confrontation. That restraint does not mean passivity. China remains Iran’s largest oil customer. Russia has conducted joint exercises with Iranian naval forces. Neither needs to send troops to complicate Washington’s objectives. Arms transfers, intelligence cooperation, cyber support and diplomatic shielding at the United Nations are sufficient to shape outcomes.

The conflict may remain regionally contained. But great-power friction always lurks at the margins.

The Real Test Begins Now

The second strike has happened.

The military demonstration is complete.

Now comes the harder phase.

Has Washington accounted for escalation in Hormuz? Has it gamed out IRGC consolidation? Has it prepared for succession turbulence? Has it defined clear objectives beyond “degrade and deter”? Has it established exit criteria?

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Iran learned from the first round. It dispersed material. It tightened security. It survived shock.

America must demonstrate it has learned, too.

Military strength can crater runways, collapse tunnels and silence radars.

Strategy determines whether that force reshapes the regime’s behavior — or merely resets the clock.

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The world is watching the explosions.

History will judge what follows the morning after.

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BROADCAST BIAS: Network gold meddling proves there’s no thrill of victory for leftists

One of the feel-good moments of the State of the Union address this week was President Donald Trump recognizing America’s gold medal-winning men’s hockey team. This should have been a great unifying and patriotic moment, but our elitist media never want any moments of unity under Trump. They had to make it about how the hockey team became his mascots.

One of the annoying trends of the Olympics was witnessing sports reporters – whether American or European – asking questions to our Olympians about how they could represent America with this horrible president at the helm and his immigration-enforcement actions. Does anyone recall these reporters bothering athletes about how they could represent America when Barack Obama or Joe Biden were president? Of course not.

On “CBS Evening News” on Wednesday, Feb. 25, reporter Jonah Kaplan pushed around USA hockey goalie Jeremy Swayman over Trump’s locker-room call to the victorious men. The president joked “I must tell you, we’re gonna have to bring the women’s team, You do know that.” The men laughed at the joke, and the left treated that as some kind of human-rights violation.

Kaplan urged Swayman to confess the sin in the laughter: “Yep, we should have reacted differently. We know that. We are so excited for the women’s team, we have so much respect for the women’s team.” Then women’s hockey player Kelly Panek agreed that the teams had mutual admiration. But the media wanted to separate them and villainize the men. Once again, CBS doesn’t look like it’s become “MAGA-coded” under Editor-in-Chief Bari Weiss, as the press claims.

On Thursday’s “Good Morning America” on ABC, Co-host Michael Strahan asked Olympic women’s hockey team captain Hilary Knight partway through the interview: “But Hilary, there has been a lot of talk about that call the president made to the men’s hockey team. Will the women’s team be accepting his offer to come to the White House?”

Knight made it seem like it won’t happen: “I’m not sure. I’m really not sure where that stands. There was an announcement the other day. As far as my knowledge, like, I have not seen anything.”

She then took her swipe at Trump: “I thought the call in itself was distasteful and an awesome learning moment to refocus the narrative and understand our words matter, and how we speak about women matters.”

OLYMPIC LEGEND KAILLIE HUMPHRIES REVEALS SUPPORT FOR TRUMP, ICE, SAVING WOMEN’S SPORTS AND MEN’S HOCKEY TEAM

Co-host Robin Roberts reacted as though Knight and the team had been subjected to some tremendous misogyny: “Well, I hope that you — and you’ve handled it — everyone — with such — with such grace and strength.”

It was the same on Thursday’s “CBS Mornings,” as Co-host Vladimir Duthiers underlined “the men are taking some heat for laughing along with the president at that joke [at] the expense of the women’s hockey team.”    

CBS aired a clip of Knight from ESPN: “There’s a genuine level of support there and respect. I think that’s being overshadowed by a quick lapse. I think the guys were in a tough spot, so I think it’s a shame this storyline and narrative has kind of blown up and overshadowing that connection and genuine interest in one another and cheering each other on.”

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On Thursday night’s “World News Tonight,” ABC reporter Will Reeve ran Swayman’s confession alongside fellow men’s Olympian Charlie McAvoy taking his place in the line of regrets: “Certainly sorry for how we responded to it. And if you know the men’s team and if you know the relationships that we have, the amount of time that we’ve spent, you know, with the women’s team and how we’ve supported them, it’s certainly not reflective of how we feel.” Reeve also repeated Knight’s scolding answer about Trump’s “distasteful” phone call to the men’s team.

The Big Three broadcast networks also played up the controversy over FBI Director Kash Patel showing up to the men’s hockey victory celebration in the locker room and drinking beers with them. From Feb. 23 through the evening of Feb. 27 there were five mentions of Patel hanging out with Team USA for a total of 215 seconds aired on ABC (129 seconds), CBS (52 seconds), and NBC (34 seconds) or more than three and a half minutes’ worth.

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The women’s hockey team declined a White House invite, citing “previously scheduled academic and professional commitments.” But the networks wanted a “snub” narrative. NPR ran this online headline about a ’90s rapper from the group Public Enemy: “Flavor Flav is among women’s hockey team fans outraged by presidential snub.” Cultural reporter Neda Ulaby quoted the rapper offering an alternative celebration on his Instagram channel: “If the USA Women’s Hockey Team wants a real celebration and invite… I’ll host them in Las Vegas.” Ulaby included a leftist critic trashing “anti-trans” conservatives who claim to support women’s sports.

Other leftist media commentators trashed the men’s hockey team after the State of the Union, calling them “lickspittles” and “self-absorbed scumbag misogynists.” Nothing can be an occasion for unity when Trump brings champions to the White House or the State of the Union. It was never an occasion for broadcast network muckraking or mud-throwing when Obama or Biden did it. The media are world-class competitors in partisanship. 

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Supreme Court blocks Trump tariffs—but hands him a smarter path forward

President Donald Trump has lost his tariff case in the Supreme Court. However, with careful and prudent use of the tariff powers he does have, he can turn this into a win for his policies and for America.

The Supreme Court has just ruled in Learning Services v. Trump that the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) does not authorize the president to impose tariffs. While the act unquestionably gives him the power to regulate imports in the event of unusual and extraordinary emergencies, the dispute was whether tariffs — a kind of tax — are legally and constitutionally “regulation.”

While there were reasonable arguments on both sides, six of the nine justices ruled they are not, and that the IEEPA does not empower the president to impose tariffs. What are the likely economic consequences of this ruling, and what should it imply for future Trump trade policy?

First, note that as economic policy, tariffs are a bad idea. International trade raises incomes and promotes economic growth in every country that trades. Trade is mutually beneficial, win-win for all trading parties. It is a popular myth that trade destroyed American manufacturing. American manufacturing has steadily increased since 1970, more than doubling, as shown by data collected by the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis.

On the other hand, roughly 90% of the costs of the “liberation day” tariffs have been borne by American businesses and consumers, as shown in analysis by economists at the New York Federal Reserve. The American economy has had solid growth and low unemployment under Trump, but this is owing to his excellent energy and deregulation policies, which have reduced regulatory burdens. Tariff costs are another burden on the economy. Removing this drag should further encourage economic growth and employment.

VOTERS REACT AS TRUMP TOUTS SIGNATURE TARIFF PLAN AT STATE OF THE UNION

It is also a popular myth that a trade deficit is a loss for a country. The trade deficit, or current account, is balanced by the capital and financial accounts, that is, foreigners investing in America. There are two reasons why foreign investment flows into America. One is that America’s security and dynamism make it an attractive place to invest, a good thing. The other is the federal government’s growing appetite for borrowing to cover its burgeoning deficits, a bad thing. Tariffs and trade restrictions make America’s economy less dynamic and do nothing to curb the government’s fiscal irresponsibility. There is no good economic argument for tariffs.

However, for foreign policy and national security purposes, tariffs can have an important role. Numerous other laws authorize the president to impose such tariffs. For example, the Trade Act of 1974, Section 122 (under which Trump has now imposed 10% tariffs) authorizes tariffs in the event of severe balance-of-payments deficits. The Trade Expansion Act of 1962, Section 232, authorizes tariffs on goods for national security purposes.

Numerous other laws authorize the president to impose tariffs. However, all of these include various reasonable conditions and limits. For example, if the president imposes a national security tariff, Section 232 gives the administration 270 days to develop a study justifying the tariff. Trump still holds broad power to impose tariffs, but now it is more constrained and requires transparent reasons for any particular exercise of this power.

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While this constrains Trump somewhat, he can turn this into a win for his presidency. Tariff power can be useful as a foreign policy tool, and by using a more nuanced and targeted approach to tariff policy, he can accomplish a lot of good for the American economy.

For example, the European Union is attempting to impose its ESG (Environmental, Social, and Governance) standards on American firms doing business in Europe, via the EU’s Corporate Due Diligence and Sustainability Mandates. EU mandates would apply to all of a firm’s activities everywhere, not just those in Europe.

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Similarly, the EU has attempted to impose its Digital Services Act on American media platforms such as X (formerly Twitter) and Meta. This would require firms to monitor and censor free speech, despite America’s First Amendment protections. Targeted tariffs could be a very useful tool for punching back at this, protecting free commerce and defending American firms from such attacks. This would have the effect of strengthening America’s economy and position in the world.

President Trump has lost a round in the Supreme Court and his ability to impose tariffs is constrained. But with judicious use of the powers he retains, he can turn this into an opportunity to make America stronger and his presidency a greater success.

RICK PERRY: Where’s the beef? Trump knows and he’s trying to make it affordable

“America First” has been more than a slogan for President Trump. It has become a governing framework and near-mandate for his administration. America First policy decisions have manifested across immigration strategy, energy regulation, and, perhaps most clearly, trade policy.

The beef market has been in desperate need of an America First recalibration after President Joe Biden’s failed policies. Ground beef prices have become astronomical, reaching an average of $6.69 per pound in December, the highest price since tracking began in the 1980s.

These price increases are outpacing those of other food categories due to structural problems within the domestic beef market. Analysis from the American Farm Bureau Federation shows the domestic herd has fallen to a 75-year low and is continuing to shrink as fewer calves are retained for breeding. As a result, the U.S. cattle herd is unlikely to expand until at least 2028.

From my time as governor of Texas and agriculture commissioner for the nation’s leading cattle-producing state, I understand both the gravity of this situation and the need for a deliberate policy response.

In October, President Donald Trump addressed the need for beef affordability measures and signaled plans to increase imports, which he recently finalized through an executive order, opening the U.S. to an additional 80,000 metric tons of lean beef trimmings from Argentina this year.

This step is valuable because the U.S. does not produce enough beef to meet domestic demand, necessitating imports. Argentina is a strategic and well-suited partner to remedy our beef shortage because they specialize in lower-cost, lean beef. These trimmings from Argentina will be blended with fattier domestic beef to produce hamburgers and ground beef products – affordable staples in high demand.

Importing the specific type of affordable beef directly addresses supply and aligns with an America First approach. Expanding lean beef imports will reduce pressures on our beef supply, thus reducing costs for consumers while protecting cattle ranchers’ premium production.

THE SURPRISING REASON WHY AMERICANS COULD FACE HIGH BEEF PRICES FOR YEARS

The impacts of these smart imports are complemented and multiplied by broader efforts to strengthen the cattle sector, including Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins’ October plan to fortify the American beef industry and President Trump’s directive for the Department of Justice to crack down on foreign-owned meat packing cartels.

Beyond these efforts, the administration should reassess the existing allocation of tariff-rate quotas (TRQs), which were configured in 1995. Reworking would acknowledge shifts in global production patterns and domestic market needs, putting U.S. ranchers in a better position.

Today, the overwhelming share of tariff-free beef imports are dedicated to Australia and New Zealand. Both countries focus heavily on premium, grass-fed exports – products that compete directly with higher-end U.S. beef in domestic and international markets.

By contrast, lean beef imports from South America primarily serve the lower-cost blended segment. Ranchers and their supporters criticizing the import increase from Argentina, but failing to push back about the near-unlimited market access Australia and New Zealand have are fighting the wrong battles.

The beef market has been in desperate need of an America First recalibration after President Joe Biden’s failed policies. 

Some policymakers have raised concerns that imports would sideline American ranchers and that we should focus on cutting red tape, lowering production costs and supporting cattle herd growth. These priorities are valid – but they’re not mutually exclusive with strategic imports.

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The notion that imports should be avoided is misguided and ignores structural supply realities. Strategic imports like lean trimmings can stabilize prices while allowing U.S. producers to concentrate on premium markets, where profitability is strongest. This is how we pave the path for rancher success.

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If U.S. ranchers are forced to simultaneously try and dominate serving both low-margin ground products and high-margin premium markets with higher-end cuts, they may become overwhelmed. From a long-term market perspective, overextension can discourage heifer retention and delay necessary herd rebuilding.

President Trump and his team are on the right path with the Argentina deal. This expansion should be defended unapologetically, incorporated beyond just 2026, and considered as part of a long-term strategy rather than a temporary measure.

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Permanently expanding Argentina’s tariff-free access to the U.S. market for lean beef trimmings is how we ensure prices stop rising. The administration should also consider opportunities for expanded imports from other South American nations, such as Paraguay and Uruguay, where production aligns with U.S. market gaps.

Building an American First beef market requires precision and long-term thinking. The current policy shifts are moving in the right direction, which will support ranchers, strengthen our market and deliver affordability for American consumers.

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If Trump wants to smash Mexican cartels, he’s got history and law on his side

With Puerto Vallarta and the state of Jalisco under siege from the cartels, American policymakers need to know that President Donald Trump would be on strong legal ground if he chooses to hit the cartels in Mexico or anywhere in the world.

Over the last four decades, the drug cartels have transported tens of thousands of military-age men over our borders, many of them carrying weapons of mass destruction like fentanyl or carfentanil. This isn’t “migration.” It’s an invasion, and, under the Constitution, the president not only has the authority, but the duty to act.

Though the drug cartels are non-state actors, they effectively control roughly one-third of Mexican territory, exerting quasi-sovereignty by extracting “taxes,” controlling the movement of people, and intimidating and extorting government into doing their will.

Trump has done what no president in decades could do: he secured the southern border and stopped the massive influx of illegal aliens and dangerous drugs. But is America required to stand back and wait for criminals to cross our borders in order to defend itself? Of course not. There is ample precedent for presidents using the military to take on non-state actors abroad who threatened the lives and livelihoods of Americans — even without congressional authorization.

Shortly after taking office in 1801, President Thomas Jefferson famously sent the Marines “to the shores of Tripoli” to punish pirates who for years had harassed American merchant ships and demanded tribute payments. Congress was not in session, but Jefferson neither waited for authorization nor called them into session. Despite having a relatively small navy for the time, the new president sent a squadron to the Mediterranean with orders to sink the pirates if necessary. In August 1801, the squadron sank a ship off the coast of Malta without congressional authorization. In February 1802, Congress passed an authorization of force — not a declaration of war.

On March 9, 1916, the outlaw Pancho Villa’s raiders killed three American citizens and then crossed the border to attack Columbus, New Mexico, killing 10 American soldiers, robbing American businesses and killing eight more civilians. Maj. Frank Tompkins’s men pursued the raiders 15 miles across the Mexican border, killing 100 of them and capturing 30. Villa’s men had previously executed a train car full of American engineers who were on their way to work in Mexico’s mines. The Mexican government continually proved unable to bring Villa and his men to justice.

President Woodrow Wilson called an emergency cabinet meeting on March 10. Wilson decided to send the Army into Northern Mexico, citing an 1882 treaty that allowed “hot pursuit” over the border. Wilson sent 4,800 soldiers into Mexico under General John J. “Black Jack” Pershing on a “punitive expedition” to track down Villa and his men. Congress showed their approval with a concurrent resolution two days after the fact. The Mexican government protested and even fought back against the Army, but ultimately backed down in the face of American strength.

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Drug cartels have killed far more Americans than either the Barbary Pirates or Pancho Villa ever did. As the DEA has said repeatedly, nearly all of the drugs killing Americans today were trafficked over our southern border.

Some liberals and libertarians would likely object that attacking the cartels in Mexico or outside our borders would violate the War Powers Act, which Congress passed over President Nixon’s veto in 1973. But even if a court upheld the War Powers Act on its merits — which has still never happened — the law merely requires that the president notify Congress of an attack within 48 hours and limits an attack to 90 days without congressional authorization.

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Since the WPA’s passage, presidents of both parties have conducted military operations all over the world without congressional authorization — from Haiti to Libya to Bosnia.

Declarations of war have been extremely rare in our history: the last was in 1942. The Founders intentionally gave the president broad and fulsome powers to conduct military operations after the sclerotic Articles of Confederation proved unable to respond to Shay’s Rebellion and the British refusal to remove troops from newly independent American territory. Presidents must be able to act quickly and decisively to protect Americans from national security threats, and the Founders gave them the tools to do just that.

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Wilson sent 4,800 soldiers into Mexico under General John J. “Black Jack” Pershing on a “punitive expedition” to track down Villa and his men. Congress showed their approval with a concurrent resolution two days after the fact. 

After President Trump took office last January, the military began Operation Southern Spear, which has involved direct attacks on drug smuggling boats from Venezuela. Like Jefferson’s squadron against the Barbary Pirates or Wilson’s “punitive expedition” against Pancho Villa, the Trump administration isn’t waiting until the criminals cross our border — nor should they.

The cartels have been enriching themselves for decades by getting Americans addicted to deadly drugs, bringing tens of thousands of military-age men into our country and costing hundreds of thousands of American lives. Whether the cartels stand on American soil or on foreign soil, the president stands on solid legal ground in bringing them to justice.

Schools blow $30 billion on laptops and tablets that wrecked Gen Z

Leave it to the government school monopoly to blow $30 billion of taxpayer money on laptops and tablets that were supposed to revolutionize learning but instead produced a generation of kids less cognitively equipped than their parents.

U.S. schools spent that staggering sum on educational technology in 2024 alone – roughly 10 times what they shelled out for textbooks. The promise was access to endless knowledge at every student’s fingertips, but the outcome has been a cognitive nosedive that leaves Gen Z struggling with basic skills like attention, memory, literacy and numeracy.

Neuroscientist Jared Cooney Horvath laid it out plainly in his Senate testimony: Gen Z marks the first generation in modern history to score lower on standardized tests than the one before them. Data from over 80 countries shows the same pattern — declines in IQ, executive function and creativity, all accelerating around 2010 when digital devices flooded classrooms.

This disaster stems from the same old story: a bloated, unaccountable system that throws money at shiny gadgets to mask its failures. Public schools lack real incentives to innovate wisely or face consequences for poor results, so administrators chase trends. They’ll buy devices en masse under the guise of “equity” and “modernization,” but without strategies to ensure those tools enhance actual instruction.

Kids end up parked in front of screens for hours, scrolling through low-effort apps instead of engaging in deep, hands-on learning. The result is atrophy in critical thinking and problem-solving — the very skills education should build. Horvath pointed to Program for International Student Assessment data revealing a direct link: more screen time in school correlates with worse performance.

Technology itself holds immense promise for education. Personalized learning apps can adapt to a student’s pace, virtual simulations can bring history or science to life, and online resources can connect rural kids to world-class experts. Properly harnessed, these tools could boost achievement and close gaps. The problem arises when schools treat tech as a lazy substitute for high-quality teaching.

Teachers unions exacerbate the issue by pushing for more EdTech spending that lightens their members’ workloads without demanding better outcomes. Think AI grading papers, automated lesson plans and screens essentially babysitting students. Unions demand less handwritten work and more outsourcing of core teaching tasks, all while shielding underperforming educators from accountability.

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In July 2025, the American Federation of Teachers (AFT) announced a formal partnership with OpenAI. Microsoft and Anthropic joined in, creating a $23 million initiative for free AI training and curriculum.

Unions are positioning themselves to control how AI rolls out, potentially programming it with biased narratives that serve their agendas rather than students’ needs. AFT President Randi Weingarten has already signaled as much. She revealed a partnership between her union and the World Economic Forum (WEF) to “create a curriculum that will lead to good jobs and solid careers in U.S. manufacturing.”

Handing curriculum design to globalist organizations like the WEF raises red flags. They want to impose a one-size-fits-all agenda on American kids, bypassing parents and local communities. If unions and international bodies dictate AI and tech integration, expect more indoctrination disguised as innovation — leftist narratives embedded in algorithms, all funded by taxpayers.

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This over-reliance on technology as a crutch harms kids in tangible ways. Teens now spend more than half their waking hours staring at screens, and the cognitive toll is evident. Humans learn best through interaction with real people and immersive study, not endless swiping for summaries. Excessive device use weakens focus and deep processing, leading to the declines we’re seeing.

Yet unions protect the status quo, fighting measures like performance-based pay or easier dismissal of ineffective teachers. In this environment, tech becomes a band-aid for systemic rot, reducing actual instruction time and stunting development.

The problem arises when schools treat tech as a lazy substitute for high-quality teaching.

The solution lies in breaking the government school monopoly through school choice. Competition forces providers to innovate responsibly — using tech as a true tool, not a shortcut. Charter schools and private options already show how this plays out: they integrate devices thoughtfully, with accountability tied to results.

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In choice-rich states like Arizona and Florida, achievement rises because schools must earn families’ trust. A thousand flowers can bloom when markets drive education, harnessing technology to personalize learning without the waste and over-dependence plaguing public systems.

Imagine a landscape where parents select schools that balance screens with proven methods like phonics-based reading or project-based math. Teachers, freed from union-mandated bureaucracy, could leverage AI for efficiency while focusing on mentorship. Underperforming institutions would close or reform, replaced by better alternatives. This model aligns incentives with student success, not special interests.

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The $30-billion debacle proves the current system can’t adapt. It squanders resources on fads while kids suffer. Gen Z’s lower scores demand urgency. We can’t afford another generation handicapped by monopoly incompetence.

School choice is the imperative to rescue education from this self-serving cycle. Parents know their kids best, and they deserve the power to choose environments where teachers and technology enhance cognition. Let’s fund students, not systems, and watch innovation thrive.

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Workers say ‘I like unions, I just don’t like my union’ — here’s what they’re discovering

“I like unions. I just don’t like my union.” 

Time and time again, I hear this sentiment from employees nationwide. Most will express frustration with their union officials, who’ve disappointed or even mistreated them and other members. Some tell me how they tried and failed to improve their own union from within. They imagine there’s a better union out there — one where union officials actively improve the workplace and help employees achieve some measure of personal freedom.

Polling confirms this sentiment. Gallup found that about two-thirds of Americans broadly approve of unions, but only 9% say they belong to one.

New numbers from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) corroborate these findings. Despite a minuscule increase over last year, the percentage of workers who choose to be union members remains historically low at 10% — up from an all-time low of 9.9% the previous year.

Private sector unions were especially unpopular with employees, whose membership rate held steady at a record-low 5.9%. For reference, in 1980, over 20% of all private sector employees were union members.  

And it’s possible this year’s numbers overstate workers’ interest in unionizing. The National Labor Relations Board oversaw 30% fewer union elections in 2025 than it did in 2024, according to the Center for American Progress. The total number of workers participating in those elections fell even further, down 42% from 2024.

Meanwhile, in the public sector, the numbers tell a similar story.

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According to the BLS, government employees — including teachers, state employees and city and county workers — have a much higher union membership rate: 32.9%. That marks a tiny increase since 2024 (less than a percentage point) and the first year-over-year increase since 2020. This marginal increase stems from federal and state employees’ membership rates, both of which rose by almost two percentage points.

But this relatively high unionization rate doesn’t mean their government union officials are outperforming their private sector counterparts. For one, government and private sector employees increasingly share the exact same union officials. The United Auto Workers (UAW) union, for example, represents more graduate student workers and postdoctoral researchers than any other union, and those workers — many of whom serve at public institutions — now make up a whopping 25% of UAW’s membership. By contrast, less than half of UAW’s existing members are autoworkers.

More likely, these varying private and public sector unionization rates point to the fundamental difference between the sectors.

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In the private sector, a strong, aggressive union can negotiate its way out of business. For example, in 2023, the International Brotherhood of Teamsters celebrated a massive victory against UPS, delivering pay increases and improved benefits for its members. Just over two years later, however, UPS cut 48,000 positions, then announced plans to cut 30,000 more.

Assuredly, external economic factors, such as tariffs, played a part. But unions aren’t off the hook. 

Private sector unions were especially unpopular with employees, whose membership rate held steady at a record-low 5.9%. For reference, in 1980, over 20% of all private sector employees were union members.  

“UPS is not an outlier,” writes Liya Palagashvilli, an economist with the Mercatus Center. “It is a case study in how monopoly bargaining can generate short-run wins that give way to long-run adjustment costs.”

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A literature review of 147 studies by Mercatus demonstrates that union victories can increase employer costs, resulting in higher costs and less volume for customers. Inevitably, employers cut workers, resulting in fewer union members.

But public employers rarely cut services and never go out of business. Thus, when government unions secure increases in salary or benefits, taxpayers pay the price. In January, Teamsters secured a 13% wage increase for school administrative assistants, food services managers and plant managers in the Los Angeles School District. The school district now faces a projected $877 million deficit, but its recent layoff plans will result in only 650 layoffs, less than 1% of its 83,000 employees.

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Moreover, public sector unions have become experts at getting their friends elected to positions of power, hoping that government officials repay the favor in negotiations using taxpayer dollars. Union officials have no such power over private employers, where the individuals with whom they negotiate are driven to keep the business afloat and can only draw on profits earned in a competitive marketplace.

To be sure, government unions are also losing members. The membership rate among public employees has steadily dropped since 1994, when it peaked at 38.7%. Also, remember the union members who told me they wish they had another union? They were mostly public school teachers.

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Paradoxically, by befriending greedy politicians and milking taxpayers, government union executives have done a disservice not only to these teachers but also to unionized civil servants and first responders. In 2024, the four biggest government unions collectively spent $650 million on political activism and electioneering — 86% of which came from their membership dues. The deeper they get into politics, the more public sector unions have become obsessed with ideology and power, betraying the individual government employees they are supposed to represent.

Workers’ patience has worn thin. Employees continue to express their disapproval with unions by simply walking away. Until unions refocus on better serving and representing their members, rather than chasing short-term gains and political favors, union executives — and their members’ confidence in them — will continue to dwindle.

JONATHAN TURLEY: Jack Smith’s secret surveillance of Patel and Wiles should alarm us all

Former Special Counsel Jack Smith has long operated under the Irish poet, playwright and novelist Oscar Wilde’s rule that “the only way to get rid of a temptation is to yield to it.”

Over the last few months, the public has learned of a wide array of secret orders targeting members of Congress, Trump allies and others. Now, the Trump administration has learned that FBI Director Kash Patel and White House Chief of Staff Susie Wiles were also targeted by Smith in 2022 and 2023 when they were private citizens.

Smith was a controversial choice as special counsel because of his history of aggressive legal arguments and tactics, including his unanimous loss before the Supreme Court in the case that overturned the conviction of former Virginia Gov. Robert McDonnell.

His tendency to stretch the law to the breaking point also did not play well with juries in high-profile cases, including his case against former North Carolina Sen. John Edwards, who was accused of using campaign funds to hide an extramarital affair. That case ended in an acquittal.

Despite such criticisms, Smith immediately returned to his past pattern of tossing aside any restraint or caution. Even Democrats earlier this year expressed objections to his targeting of Republican members of Congress, including former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy.

Smith told carriers not to tell members of Congress that their calls were being seized. Not only did such records reveal potentially confidential sources, ranging from journalists to whistleblowers, but Smith’s gag order prevented Congress from responding to or challenging the allegedly abusive demand.

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Now, the Trump administration is alleging that Smith and the prior Biden administration effectively buried the targeting of Patel and Wiles. It took a year into the new Trump administration for these orders to be uncovered.

The early accounts of the orders contained equally disturbing elements. Reuters reported that “In 2023, the FBI recorded a phone call between Wiles and her attorney, according to two FBI officials. Wiles’ attorney was aware that the call was being recorded and consented to it, but Susie Wiles was not.”

It is astonishing to hear of a lawyer agreeing to the FBI recording of an attorney-client conversation as a general matter. However, recording such a call without informing the client would be a breathtaking invasion of protected communications.

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There is much we still do not know.

On its face, these orders appear consistent with the earlier allegedly abusive demands. Smith had virtually no basis for targeting Republican members and Trump allies. It was a fishing expedition in which Smith simply compiled lists of every well-known ally of President Donald Trump.

There are also concerns over the response to this controversy. There are reports of 10 FBI employees being fired. Agents often carry out the orders of superiors in such investigations. The administration should assure the public that these agents were afforded due process before being ousted for their roles in carrying out orders.

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The recently disclosed files from these investigations are an indictment of Smith himself. He was given a historic mandate to investigate a former president. Rather than exercise a modicum of restraint to show the public that this was not a partisan effort, Smith yielded to his worst temptations in targeting a long list of Republicans.

In his prior testimony, Smith offered little to justify these orders beyond a shrug that such secret orders routinely occur. However, he was targeting a “who’s who” of top political opponents of President Biden and the Democrats.

To make matters worse, Smith struggled to release damaging information — and even schedule a trial — on the very eve of the 2024 presidential election. Every action by Smith only magnified the perception that he sought to influence the election. He became a prosecutor consumed by his antagonism toward Trump and his unchecked power.

Nothing was sacred for Smith. His demands in the investigation from the courts included a wholesale attack on free speech principles.

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Ultimately, these files are not only an indictment of Jack Smith but also of former Attorney General Merrick Garland, who failed to exercise his authority to oversee Smith and protect core constitutional values.

It is essential that Congress and the Trump administration fully investigate Smith’s surveillance demands. Smith has long demanded accountability for others while evading such accountability for his own actions.

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If past orders are any indication, the Patel and Wiles orders were likely based on sweeping generalities and demands for absolute secrecy. That is the signature of Jack Smith. Indeed, Smith appears to have replicated his increasingly infamous record, with the collapse of two high-profile cases and lingering questions over his judgment and actions.

He has again yielded to his temptations — and the public has paid the price.

WILL CHAMBERLAIN: How the FBI trampled attorney-client privilege to hunt Trump allies

FBI Director Kash Patel just dropped a bombshell that should horrify Americans of all political stripes. In 2022 and 2023, Jack Smith, the illicitly-appointed “special counsel,” and the Biden Justice Department subpoenaed toll records of calls from Patel and now-White House chief of staff Susie Wiles. Both were private citizens, and this surveillance continued while Wiles was co-managing President Trump’s election campaign. The FBI even wiretapped a call between Wiles and her lawyer in which the lawyer, knowing of the wiretap, failed to inform Wiles. This conduct is ghastly, and there must be dire legal consequences.

The attorney-client privilege is one of the most sacred legal principles in the Republic. To represent their clients effectively, lawyers need to be able to engage in frank discussions. Clients must feel secure in the knowledge that what they say cannot be used against them. The privilege is so sacred that, in Swidler & Berlin v. United States (1998), the Supreme Court held that it survives the death of a client under the Federal Rules of Evidence.

The lawyer who colluded with the FBI to record his client should be disbarred. Rule 1.6 of the Rules of Professional Conduct in every jurisdiction imposes strict limitations on disclosure of confidential information by attorneys, such as instances where a client is threatening to commit a serious crime. That obviously wouldn’t apply here. Further, Rule 1.7 delineates strict guardrails to safeguard clients from conflicted lawyers. A lawyer cannot represent both sides. That would be antithetical to the adversarial process.

For some reason, Wiles’ lawyer agreed to let the FBI wiretap the call. A lawyer working with the FBI against their client’s interests would be a clear-cut violation of this rule. And that’s not the end of potential ethical violations: Rule 1.4 requires attorneys to communicate pertinent information to their clients (which clearly didn’t happen here), and Rule 8.4(c) prohibits behavior involving dishonesty and misrepresentation by omission. It’s hard to think of a more glaring omission than not telling your client that the FBI is listening to what you think is a privileged conversation.

Wiles also could sue the lawyer for malpractice, as well as the lawyer and the FBI agent(s) under the Wiretap Act. This suit would be appropriate if the FBI failed to minimize the interception of privileged communications. Title III wiretaps, so called based on the 1968 law that authorizes them, are subject to approval from the Justice Department and a federal judge. 18 U.S.C. § 2518(5) mandates minimization procedures for privileged communications, and appellate courts universally have interpreted this provision strictly. Minimization is crucial in many contexts; for instance, government prosecutors employ so-called taint teams of lawyers not involved with the case to screen for privileged information to prevent its falling into the hands of the prosecution.

In addition to civil liability, those involved could face criminal repercussions. The FBI agents involved could be charged under 18 U.S.C. § 2511, which prohibits the unauthorized interception and disclosure of communications in interstate commerce. The lawyer could be charged as a coconspirator under 18 U.S.C. § 371 for participating in the violation of the wiretap statute. Even if they had a warrant to surveil Patel and Wiles, that would in no way justify intentionally recording what are supposed to be privileged conversations between an attorney and their client.

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Take a moment to digest the gravity of what happened. The Biden Justice Department subpoenaed records of allies of President Trump, Biden’s main political opponent, against whom there was no evidence of wrongdoing. Smith also subpoenaed records of nearly a dozen members of Congress. Then, the government wiretapped a call between a private citizen and her lawyer. J. Edgar Hoover, the infamous former FBI director who served for nearly half a century, regularly wiretapped political opponents. Under the Biden administration, the FBI degenerated into the abyss of the Hoover era. We must determine who else was the subject of these outrageous investigations, especially if there were other violations of attorney-client privilege.

Patel deserves massive credit for exposing this unconscionable conduct. The FBI worked hard to conceal it, labeling the files as “prohibited.” This means that the files were not readily accessible even to the new FBI leadership. Patel has stopped the “prohibited” subterfuge to prevent future abuse, and ten FBI agents no longer have jobs as a result of their involvement. That is a good start, but those involved in this monstrosity must face severe legal, political, and financial consequences. The anti-Trump lawfare nearly destroyed the Republic, and it must never happen again.

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REP RO KHANNA: We need a new tech social contract to reclaim AI from billionaires

On February 20th, I was at Stanford University with Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt. to speak to over 1,600 students about the defining issues of our time: inequality and AI. We had the largest turnout since President Barack Obama visited the campus in 2015. I laid out my vision for a new tech social contract and seven seminal principles for a more democratic AI. Here is the essence of what I had to say.

We live in a new gilded age. Tech billionaires, believing they would have been heroic conquerors in a different era, are wresting control of our economy, our media and our politics.

Most Americans feel they have little say in shaping their own future or that of their kids. This has contributed to anger, resentment and a hopeless cynicism in places across our nation.

A nation cannot survive with islands of prosperity and seas of despair.

Professor Gabriel Zucman has shown that today’s wealth concentration is at the highest it has been in our nation’s history. About 19 billionaires have 3.4 trillion — the equivalent of 12.5 percent of all the goods and services that are produced in the U.S. in a year. This is nearly three times more than the wealthiest Americans were worth relative to the size of the economy at the peak of the Gilded Age. 

Extreme wealth forms an unholy alliance with power leading to two tiers of justice and stripping ordinary citizens of an equal voice in our democratic experiment.

We see the future from here. We know what is coming in a way most politicians and D.C. bureaucrats simply can’t see. And the question we need to ask ourselves is this: What kind of future are we going to build? Will this future be only for the tech lords or for all of us?

We convened this town hall at the epicenter of this wealth concentration and AI innovation. The 50-mile radius around my district, which includes Stanford, Apple, Google, Nvidia, Broadcom and Tesla, is worth over $18 trillion. Their market capitalization is nearly one-third of the entire U.S. stock market. One-third of our nation’s wealth originates here and in the one surrounding congressional district.

We see the future from here. We know what is coming in a way most politicians and D.C. bureaucrats simply can’t see. And the question we need to ask ourselves: What kind of future are we going to build? Will this future be only for the tech lords or for all of us?

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That is why I am calling for a new tech social contract. To whom much is given, at least, a little is expected.

The truth is our taxpayer dollars and philanthropic dollars funded the development of AI at Dartmouth, MIT, and at Stanford with ImageNet and with the Digital Library Project that helped give birth to Google.

Let us acknowledge that tech entrepreneurs have taken risks and shown skill and imagination in scaling and adopting the technology. But just like every successful generation of American entrepreneurs over the past two centuries, they stand on a foundation of public investment.

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That is why we must ask not what America can do for Silicon Valley, but what Silicon Valley must do for America.

The AI revolution can help cure cancer and rare diseases, slash housing costs, make it easier to start businesses and factories, address our energy needs, and lower medical and educational costs for the working class.

But in the hands of a few billionaires, the priority is to eliminate jobs, extract profits and addict us to outrageous content that turns us from citizens to combatants.

PALANTIR’S SHYAM SANKAR: AMERICANS ARE ‘BEING LIED TO’ ABOUT AI JOB DISPLACEMENT FEARS

I am not an AI accelerationist.

I am not an AI doomer.

I am an AI democratist.

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So I want to lay out seven principles for what a democratic AI looks like. This vision is part of a broader call of patriotic renewal to have shared prosperity in our nation, not oligarchic capture and dominance. I have a vision for a new economic patriotism where we have a thriving middle class with good jobs in rural communities, factory towns, suburban neighborhoods and our urban centers.

Here is what that means for AI in America.

First, we must keep humans in the loop.

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We need real protections against mass displacement, beginning with our 3.5 million truck drivers. Even as self-driving trucks improve safety and efficiency, human drivers must remain, just like pilots must still fly our planes. This will allow us to develop AI that augments human capability instead of eliminating jobs.

Second, every large company must bargain with its workers.

Unions or elected representatives should ensure displaced workers move into new value-creating roles and can share in AI’s productivity gains through higher wages, profit sharing and shorter workweeks.

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Third, we have to fix the tax code’s anti-human bias.

Robots get accelerated depreciation, while hiring humans comes with payroll taxes. Nobel Laureate Daron Acemoglu estimates that companies pay about zero tax on digital tools, while paying something like 30% in taxes between employers and employees when they hire workers.  This makes no sense. We must make it easier to hire workers, not AI agents. 

We also need to create an annual data dividend so every American gets a check from the data they generate both for private businesses and our government activities like public health, traffic management and policy research.

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Fourth, we must launch a Future Workforce Administration.

We should seize this moment of anxiety among white-collar and blue-collar families alike and answer it with the boldest, most patriotic jobs agenda in generations.

Funded by a modest wealth tax on the trillions created here and by a token tax on AI used by businesses that displaces labor, this program will put Americans to work in public service. The initiative will drive moonshot projects that expand the frontiers of science, clean energy, and biotech.

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It will mobilize young people to rebuild towns, teach our children, provide childcare and eldercare, and strengthen small businesses in every community.

And we will launch 1,000 new trade schools and tech institutes — so the next generation are prepared for careers AI can’t replace.

Fifth, data centers must serve the communities who power them.

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Right now, data centers are one-way extraction centers from communities to the wealthiest corporations.

That must end.

Tech companies need to provide local communities with compute resources for schools and libraries, create local tech jobs and fund startups, and use renewable energy and dry cooling technology. We should look to what Singapore has done with their data centers for a balanced solution and invest in massively increasing the supply of clean energy. Most importantly, tech companies must pay their full electricity bills instead of shifting costs onto our communities.

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Sixth, we must prevent AI from weaponizing our public discourse.

We can unite across party lines to stop engagement-driven algorithms from spreading hate. End Section 230 protection for amplified violent content and require platforms to open up so Americans can connect freely across them.

Seventh, we must regulate AI so it is used to improve humanity, not damage it.

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We need clear enforceable guardrails with mandatory third-party verification of advanced AI models, so this powerful technology does not cause serious societal harm. It needs to be more than the voluntary collaboration taking place at the Center for AI Standards and Innovation at NIST at Commerce. We need a robust federal agency to regulate AI like we regulate nuclear energy or federal aviation.

We need a program with the boldness and scale of the New Deal, a democratic project for our time. Not to slow innovation, but to ensure its benefits reach every American.

The United States will benefit with access to global markets for our AI models by ensuring their safety — preventing agentic AI from doing harm — and data privacy.

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These principles are the beginning of a framework to ensure that AI does not usher in a level of wealth and power concentration that further rips our democracy apart. If we continue with the status quo or adopt poll-tested incrementalism, we will leave ordinary Americans out in the cold, and modern prosperity will be only for the privileged.  

I will not sit by and watch that happen. 

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We need a program with the boldness and scale of the New Deal, a democratic project for our time. Not to slow innovation, but to ensure its benefits reach every American. A program that, by its very substance, says there will be no surrender to tech lords. None. Only a reclaiming of AI for the American people.

And so, my challenge to Stanford students — emerging technology and business leaders — is simple. The future must not be written by AI agents that serve San Francisco billionaires. Like at any other pivotal moment in American history, it must be written by all of us, together, in a way that binds our divides and gives us a new national purpose of economic renewal and independence for every American in every place of our beloved nation.

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DAVID MARCUS: Delusional Dems ‘ dancing pet frogs are Antifa thugs

As President Donald Trump delivered his State of the Union address Tuesday, many congressional Democrats skipped it to attend a Robert De Niro-headlined counter program called the “State of the Swamp.” One group celebrated there, the “Portland Frog Brigade,” are quite literally Antifa thugs in cutesy clothing.

By now, you have probably seen these big inflatable frogs, if not from clips of Tuesday’s brain-dead anti-Trump bash, then from protests at ICE facilities, first in Portland, then Chicago, Minneapolis, and across the country.

If you watch the news coverage about these supposedly amiable amphibians, even in most conservative outlets, they are treated as goofy, but harmless, activists playing dress up, not as the dangerous thugs they are. And that is the whole point: It’s not a costume, it’s a tactical uniform.

The standard-issue inflatable frog costume serves two key purposes: First, it hides the identity of the agitator. Second, and more importantly, it makes the agitator appear to be the exact opposite of a physical threat.

How do I know all this about the frog brigade? Well, I witnessed the whole thing begin in Portland last October and even had a brief scuffle with one of the Antifa leaders who popularized the demented trend.

Here is how I described Portland Antifa agitators, including the original frogman, harassing and trapping a pro-Trump woman in her car at the Immigration Customs and Enforcement facility there:

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According to intrepid reporter Andy Ngo, who knows more about Antifa than Vin Scully knew about the LA Dodgers, the man credited with starting the frog suit ploy is a known agitator who was arrested in January protesting the arrest of suspected Tren de Aragua gang members in Portland.

By then, the frog suit had taken off, like a biblical plague. The frogs were suddenly everywhere, but why?

What Antifa and its allies realized was that the childish absurdity of the costume makes anyone claiming that those wearing them are some sort of serious threat look ridiculous. Even just writing this column feels that way, but in this case, the truth is very important.

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In addition to the multiple Antifa frogs being praised at the Democrat shindig, there was a man in a giraffe outfit doing slam poetry, proudly proclaiming that he had been detained in ICE facilities three times for his agitating, and to cheers, no less.

Again, the cute Sesame Street-style furry costume is meant to make claims that this lunatic is a dangerous criminal seem nonsensical, even when he openly admits to being arrested trying to protect foreign gangbangers from deportation.

It is possible that many Democratic elected officials really did not know these frog people are Antifa, though Sen. Ron Wyden and Rep. Maxine Dexter, both Democrats from Oregon, certainly should, since their constituents started it all.

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Let’s not forget that it was just a few short years ago that Democrats told us Antifa doesn’t even exist. In fact, Rep. Gerry Nadler, D-N.Y., called the group a “myth” and Biden FBI Director Christopher Wray called it an “ideology,” not an organization. My, how times have changed.

Last month, The Nation magazine, which knows a thing or two about the left, ran an article with the headline, “Liberals Think Antifa Isn’t Real. But It Is—and It Knows How to Win.”

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Now that the Trump administration has labeled Antifa a terrorist organization and The Nation has declared it a forceful faction in the progressive fight, the cowardly communists have begun to shed their menacing black gear for goofy animal costumes.

But make no mistake, at night, in the shadows, the costumes come off and the thugs with gas masks and sticks show up to menace our federal agents.

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This is what the clueless and myopic politicians and celebrities were celebrating at their counter program on Tuesday. They will support literally anything that opposes Trump, even grown men in frog costumes who accost women in so-called political protests.

So the next time you see one of those frogs, don’t be fooled. Don’t be taken in by the absurd charade. Just know these are anti-American thugs who regularly employ violence in their attempt to take down the United States of America, as Democrats cheer them on.

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Power play: How US-Canada cooperation can skip the games and secure our borders

The U.S. hockey team’s stunning victory in the Olympics has thrilled Americans and stunned and disappointed Canadians: two peoples who are experiencing their own icy relations right now.

Nonetheless, the fact that five of the U.S. players, including star goalie Connor Hellebuyck, play on Canadian NHL teams, while no less than 22 Canadian team members play on American teams, reminds us how closely tied both countries actually are, no matter what their respective politicians say about each other.

Indeed, leaders need to set aside their personal pique and see the U.S.-Canada relationship for what it is, a partnership forged in history with common economic and strategic interests to advance, as well as the resources to match.

“Forged in history” isn’t just a matter of both countries being part of the English-speaking people’s legacy of freedom and prosperity for the world, alongside the U.K., Australia and New Zealand. It also reflects Canada’s essential contribution to Allied victory in World War II. The battle of the Atlantic, and hence victory over Nazi Germany, would not have been possible without the Canadian Royal Navy, which grew to become the world’s third-largest, from 13 ships in 1939 to over 400 by 1945, as its frigates, destroyers and destroyer escorts shielded vital Allied convoys. More than 1.1 million Canadians served in uniform, with 45,000 losing their lives — a higher proportion of military deaths relative to population (roughly 0.4%) than the United States (0.32%).

Canada also worked hand in glove with the U.S. and U.K. on secret atomic research during World War II. In the Cold War, Canadians were essential to the creation of the Five Eyes intelligence-sharing network, the most successful intelligence network in history. The Five Eyes’s division of global labor allotted to Canada two areas even more crucial today: the polar regions of Russia and the interior of China.

Yet Canada’s opportunities for cooperation with the United States go further than that of any other Five Eyes member, or even other NATO members. The future of the Western Hemisphere — perhaps even the free world — may depend on how Washington and Ottawa find common ground in shaping the future of the global economy. 

The most obvious sector is energy. Between them, the United States and Canada produce roughly 30% of the world’s natural gas and 25% of the world’s oil. By promoting cooperation in LNG exports across the Atlantic and Pacific and in building cross-border pipelines like the still-suspended XL Pipeline, Ottawa and Washington would dominate global markets as never before. And while bringing Venezuela’s oil industry back to peak efficiency will take years, a U.S.-Canada energy consortium can reshape the geopolitics of energy production, far sooner.

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The next opportunity is strategic mineral extraction and refining. Any mineral extraction plan centered on American possession of Greenland or deals with Ukraine will take years — even decades — to yield results. By contrast, Canada is already a major producer of gold, iron, nickel and copper. It’s also involved in important projects to tap into its rich reserves in rare earth elements such as cobalt, graphite, vanadium and lithium (Canada currently has the sixth-largest lithium reserves in the world, and the sixth or seventh-largest reserves in cobalt).

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While China currently dominates supply chains in these critical minerals, a vigorous U.S.-Canada consortium could displace China as a major supplier to world markets. Indeed, Canadian companies could help to revive the United States’ own mining industry, and together set clean and environmentally safe standards for the extraction of all these materials.

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In terms of strategic goals, Canada owns half of North America’s “Fourth Coast,” i.e. the 10,000-mile plus shoreline of the Great Lakes and one of the great historic centers of U.S. shipbuilding. Currently ranked 6th or 7th in world shipbuilding, Canada, like the U.S. is looking to democratic allies like South Korea and Japan to beef up large-scale shipbuilding and naval defense capacity. Indeed, this past week, Ontario Shipyards partnered with South Korea’s Hanwha Ocean to bring large-scale shipbuilding back to Ontario, including naval vessels. In short, cooperation with Canadian companies like Ontario Shipyards can be part of restoring America’s own maritime strength.

Finally, Canada will be an essential partner in plans for the Golden Dome missile defense system, offering critical Arctic territory, sensors, and radar infrastructure for continental missile defense.

Mentioning the Arctic also leads to thinking about icebreakers. As this region becomes increasingly vital thanks to climate change, Canada’s fleet of 18 icebreakers — the second largest fleet in the world after Russia — will be indispensable for keeping shipping lanes open both for civilian and military use (today the U.S. has only three operational icebreakers).

Breaking up the ice is essential — not just in the Arctic, but in the current US-Canada relations deep freeze. The future of the free world may depend on where the thaw comes, and how soon.

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Why capping credit card interest rates will kill credit for working families

Americans are rightfully concerned about affordability. From healthcare and housing to groceries and utility bills, Americans have been finding these everyday necessities difficult to afford for far too many years. 

In response, President Donald Trump and Republicans in Congress are pursuing multiple policies meant to lower costs for the American people. 

While the President and our former Republican congressional colleagues usually have good economic and regulatory instincts, there are some policies worth reconsidering, as they could exacerbate the affordability crisis.

For example, as Congress assesses the proposed 10% price cap on credit, Republicans should follow their instincts by recognizing price controls like this have a long history of producing harmful unintended consequences for working families and small businesses.

When governments mandate an artificially low price for a product or service in a competitive market, the result is always the same: reduced supply. This is not just a theory. It’s historical fact. 

In 1971, President Nixon set price controls on retail gasoline sales. Because drivers paid less at the pump than the true cost of gas, demand increased. But since producers and gasoline retailers could not recover their full costs from the artificially low prices, they supplied less to the market. The result was a predictable shortage of gasoline and Americans waiting in long lines at the gas pumps.

In several large American cities, including New York City, San Francisco and Los Angeles, rent increases are capped at varying rates, preventing landlords from being able to recoup investment in maintenance and improvements, causing neglected maintenance, reduced improvements and a shortage of new housing.

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Price controls on credit cards would have a similar effect. They would reduce the availability of credit.

Banks charge interest on credit cards because there are costs and risks associated with issuing and managing them. For example, banks must cover the infrastructure cost of the credit card, including administration, maintaining security, applying chargebacks and offering credit card rewards programs. Credit card balances are unsecured loans with high default rates, creating a significant cost for banks.

By capping rates at an arbitrary and artificially low level, such as 10%, banks would either have to make up for the lost revenue elsewhere with higher fees and charges, or discontinue issuing credit cards to high-risk and low-income customers.

Consumers who lose access to credit cards altogether would be forced to turn to more expensive, riskier alternatives, such as loan sharks and payday lenders. The Cato Institute emphasizes that, “History has shown that these [price] controls result in shortages, black markets, and suffering. In any event, consumers lose.” 

For those consumers who could keep their credit cards, banks would “likely respond to a credit card cap by reducing rewards programs and other card benefits, including fraud protection, while replacing lost interest revenue with fees to be paid by all credit card users,” the American Action Forum explains.

A credit card rate cap would also bring government interference where free market competition is already working to the benefit of customers. In fact, there are already dozens of credit cards with 0% APR introductory rates for significant lengths of time. Economist Stephen Moore authored a report last year detailing the harm a rate cap would have on consumers, concluding that the “System isn’t broken. Credit cards are more popular than ever… But rules that make cards less profitable and more vulnerable to the risk of losses from non-payments threaten this well-functioning and economically vital market.”

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For decades, Americans have voluntarily used credit cards to build businesses, borrow money— and facilitate the purchases of daily life. The free market has enabled these activities and should not be upended by the government. The government’s role in regulating the financial services industry is to ensure proper disclosures, competitive markets and systemic stability — not to set prices. Rate caps would undermine market function and competition and return us to a badly failed policy of price controls.

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Sen. Elizabeth Warren, Sen. Bernie Sanders and U.S. Rep. Maxine Waters have long supported caps on credit card interest rates. Fortunately, most Republicans know better. Leaders, including Sen. Mike Rounds, Sen. Pete Ricketts, House Speaker Mike Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune, have voiced strong concerns about these price controls, with Sen. Thune correctly observing that the proposal “would probably deprive an awful lot of people access to credit around the country.”

Free markets deliver consumers better products, services and choices than price-setters in Washington. Congress should let the marketplace continue to offer consumers, working-class families and Main Street businesses, of all incomes, access to the credit they need.

New York’s Mayor Mamdani promised change — now he’s gutting the NYPD

For New York City to “work,” it needs to be, and feel, safe. Absent the confidence of both residents and tourists that the streets of America’s largest city will be secure and orderly, the Big Apple risks losing more of its luster. This is a reality that New York City’s new mayor, Zohran Mamdani — once known for saying “nature is healing” — began at least pretending to appreciate after NYPD Detective Didarul Islam was shot and killed in the line of duty last summer. But a recent announcement calls the mayor’s sincerity into question.

Last week, Mayor Mamdani announced that the city would need to address a budget shortfall in part by canceling the planned hiring of 5,000 additional officers over the next two years. The decision will undoubtedly harm public safety by exacerbating a pre-existing recruitment and retention crisis that has already led to slower response times and limited the NYPD’s ability to bring overall crime back down to pre-2020 levels.

While the number of uniformed officers in the department rose to about 34,300 by January of this year, the next two years will see thousands of officers who joined the department during the hiring blitz of 2006-2007 become eligible for retirement as they hit their 20-year marks. When that time comes, New Yorkers will understand just how much they need the 5,000 hires Mamdani plans to halt.

Things are already bad. Comparing the final week of 2025 with the last week of 2018 shows that response times for critical, serious and noncritical calls for service were all up more than 50%. But what else can one expect from a department that dwindled by about 3,000 officers during that time frame? The need for police hasn’t declined with the size of the department. When a smaller force faces the same — or higher — levels of demand, something has to give.

Defenders of Mamdani’s decision to cut NYPD funding for new hires will likely point to recent declines in shootings and homicides over the last two years, suggesting that the city is nowhere near a public safety crisis. Those declines are real and worthy of celebration insofar as they represent the hard work of the men and women of the NYPD despite the forces working against them. But beyond those two measures, much more work remains to be done.

Compared to 2018, 2025 saw 14.2% more rapes, 16.7% more robberies, 47.7% more felony assaults, 9.5% more burglaries, 10.3% more grand larcenies and a whopping 149.1% more car thefts. Even with the recent decline in murders — which remained above the city’s 2017 low at the end of last year — the seven major crimes tracked by the city were up 26.9% overall in 2025 compared to 2018. This is despite reductions in opportunities for criminals driven by:

• A sizeable decline in the city’s population
• The fact that more New Yorkers (like other Americans) are spending more time at home in the post-pandemic era
• The decline in alcohol consumption and, by extension, the frequenting of bars and nightclubs
• Subway ridership still being at only 85% of pre-pandemic levels.

The truth is that the NYPD has been both literally and figuratively working overtime to keep crime at bay. Despite being understaffed, 2024 saw the NYPD make more felony and narcotics arrests, as well as sharp upticks in summonses for quality-of-life violations such as public drinking and urination, along with violations in the transit system. Last year, the department also made significantly more vehicle stops — much to the chagrin of Mamdani’s allies on the far left.

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But New York will not see crime return to where it was less than 10 years ago without closing the gap between the number of police officers it has and the number it needs.

Doing more with less is a math problem that simply cannot be solved in the NYPD’s favor.

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The plan to hire 5,000 additional cops over the next two years would have provided much-needed relief to a department that has spent the first half of this decade fighting an uphill battle to keep crime at bay — not only bleeding more officers and investigators than it wanted to, but also being unable to backfill vacancies without lowering hiring standards.

The overwhelming consensus in the criminological literature is that investments in hiring more police reduce crime. The decision to cancel the planned hires belongs in a recipe book titled “Disasters,” yet the move will not come as much of a surprise to those familiar with the mayor’s history of anti-cop activism. While it’s true that candidate Mamdani assured New Yorkers that this history was “out of step” with his campaign, he didn’t make much of an effort to convince skeptics of his newfound respect for law enforcement. If he follows through on this proposal to cut the NYPD, it will reiterate an important lesson New Yorkers would have done well to remember in the lead-up to last November: When someone tells you who they are, believe them.

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SEN LINDSEY GRAHAM: Iran is facing a Berlin Wall moment — history is watching us now

Over the past few weeks, there has been great speculation regarding the growing unrest in Iran and what action, if any, the United States will take in response. One fact that remains clear is that the Iranian regime finds itself at its weakest point since 1979. As such, the world has reached a pivotal crossroad — one that will define the course of history for generations.

First, let’s examine how we got to this point. After the attacks of October 7, Israel was determined to give new meaning to the phrase “Never Again” and has relentlessly gone after the terrorist networks that perpetrated the attack. With assistance from the United States, they tremendously degraded not only the nuclear capability, but also the missile capability and general military readiness of Iran. It is ironic to me that one of the main reasons Iran is so crippled stems from October 7, yet it serves as a silver lining that has sprung from one of the greatest atrocities in modern history, nonetheless.

The second major factor is that the people in Iran have risen up and taken to the streets by the millions. Daily life is miserable, and with no viable economic growth potential, the future remains hopeless as long as the ayatollah stays in power. The bravery of the protesters, combined with the military thrashing given by Israel and the United States, has placed this regime at a tipping point.

The next question, arguably most important, is where do we go from here. President Donald Trump has two lines in the water: a diplomatic line and a military line. While diplomatic negotiations are always worth pursuing within reason, my ultimate hope is that regime change will be achieved. This will come about in one of two ways: either the current regime changes its ways — which I find unlikely — or the Iranian people will take over once the regime falls.

To those who resist regime change: why do you wish to see this regime continue as it is? The ayatollah and his henchmen slaughter people for protesting, they beat young women to death for wearing their headscarves improperly, and they have overseen the largest state sponsor of terrorism for decades. Who wants that to continue? I certainly don’t, nor do the Iranian people. The people are the ones demanding regime change, and we should stand behind them.

When asked by the world media what the protesters in Iran should do, President Trump boldly said, “Keep protesting. Help is on the way.” I believe that to be the correct statement, and it will be historical in nature if the regime collapses.

Trump’s support for the protesters, in conjunction with America’s display of strength in Operation Midnight Hammer, has created the largest opportunity for peace and prosperity in the Mideast in over 1,000 years. If this regime is replaced, normalization between Saudi Arabia and Israel becomes possible again. The people of Iran will chart their own destiny, and terrorist networks across the region, such as Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Houthis will atrophy even further. My trip last week to Israel, the UAE and Saudi Arabia — three states facing threats from Iran and its proxies — reaffirmed to me that each of these possibilities are not only attainable, but would be extremely beneficial to the United States and our allies.

TRUMP’S LEADERSHIP CREATES ‘RARE OPPORTUNITY’ FOR CHANGE IN IRAN, FORMER IRANIAN POLITICAL PRISONER SAYS

On the other hand, we must remember who we will be forced to reconcile with if the regime holds. At the helm is the ayatollah, a religious zealot who orchestrated an assassination attempt on President Trump’s life. When he chants death to America and death to all the Jews, he means what he says. If the ayatollah remains in charge after all this bluster, I fear the problems that will arise will haunt the region for decades and America even further.

With the fate of millions at stake, I am praying for President Trump as he makes one of the most consequential decisions any president can make. I know President Trump to be a man of his word. He is reluctant to get entangled in wars with no end, yet unafraid to use force.

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It is my strong view that history is watching every move we make. If we follow through by sending help to the protesters risking their lives, we will have a 21st Century Berlin Wall moment. Ronald Reagan’s determination to stand up to communism paid dividends for the entire world when the Soviet Union crumbled under its own weight. What followed was a new birth of freedom around the globe, liberating millions who knew nothing but oppression.

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If the ayatollah falls, it will set in motion a similar sequence of events across the Middle East. All the terrorist proxies will be left hanging, the Abraham Accords will expand exponentially, the normalization of relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel will be back on the front burner, and the Iranian people will come to know what all human beings desire most: freedom. The ripple effects of this regime’s destruction will bring forth tremendous, positive change across the region that will echo across the world.

Only time will tell what will happen next. For now, we must be smart, and we must be bold.

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Some of the most notable guests at Trump’s 2026 State of the Union: photos

Prominent figures from across the media, business and political landscapes showed up as guests to President Donald Trump’s State of the Union address on Tuesday evening.

Notable attendees included Erika Kirk, the widowed wife of conservative activist Charlie Kirk, David Ellison, the media mogul and CEO of Paramount, and Kevin O’Leary, the Shark Tank media personality and businessman.

Several of the more notable attendees were highlighted by Trump during his address.

Kirk received a mention from the president as he condemned political violence of all kinds in his address.

“We must all come together to reaffirm that America is one nation under God, and we must totally reject political violence of any kind,” Trump said.

Charlie Kirk, who was just 31-years-old at the time of his death, was killed by a gunman on Sept. 10, 2025, while conducting a political debate event at Utah Valley University.

The U.S. men’s hockey team also made an appearance on Tuesday, receiving praise from Trump fresh off their gold medal victory in the 2026 Winter Olympic Games.

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“Congratulations to team U.S.A.,” Trump said as the players streamed into the chamber during the address.

Trump also highlighted guests brought by others, like first lady Melania Trump. She invited 11-year-old Everest Nevraumont, a youth advocate for education through artificial intelligence.

“I challenge keeping America’s next generation positioned to succeed and strongly succeed in the future,” Trump said.

Trump also used guests like Enrique Márquez, a former political prisoner of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, to remind audiences of his international achievements under his second administration.

In early 2026, the U.S. stormed Venezuela’s capitol city and captured Maduro, giving Trump newfound leverage in negotiations over the country’s future.

“We’re working closely with the new president of Venezuela to unleash extraordinary economic gains for both of our countries,” Trump said.

The White House reunited Márquez with his family at the State of the Union. 

Trump also awarded the Purple Heart to Staff Sergeant Andrew Wolfe and deceased Army Specialist Sarah Beckstrom, two National Guard members who were critically injured and fatally shot by a gunman who ambushed them while on duty last year in Washington, D.C.

RO KHANNA’S STATE OF THE UNION GUEST RECRUITED OVER 20 UNDERAGE GIRLS FOR EPSTEIN: ‘LIKE HEIDI FLEISS’

“I’m going to ask a highly respected General James Seward to present Staff Sergeant Andrew Wolfe and the great family of Sarah Beckstrom, with the award created by our late, great president, George Washington himself,” Trump, who invited her parents as his State of the Union guests, said. “It’s called the Purple Heart. We love you all.”

As Trump spoke, Major General James “Jim” D. Seward, Adjutant General of the West Virginia National Guard, presented Specialist Beckstrom’s medal to her parents and pinned the Purple Heart on Staff Sergeant Wolfe in the viewing gallery above.

Guests like O’Leary and Ellison did not receive a shoutout from the president, but mingled with multiple lawmakers.

O’Leary, primarily known for his television presence on ABC’s Shark Tank, owns companies like O’Leary Ventures and O’Leary Fine Wines. 

In recent years, O’Leary has surfaced as a political commentator, giving his thoughts on the effectiveness of political party messaging, voter sentiments and more.

LIZ PEEK: AMERICA EXPECTED ONE THING FROM TRUMP’S STATE OF THE UNION. IT GOT ANOTHER

Ellison is the current chairman and CEO of Paramount Skydance Corporation keeps a relatively low political profile but, in the past, has made several high-dollar donations to many Democratic candidates despite now calling himself a friend of President Trump.

Trump has boasted publicly about a personal relationship with Ellison.

Most recently, Ellison has made headlines for his attempt to purchase Warner Bros. Discovery — a move that would solidify Ellison and Paramount as titans in the media world.

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He was seen walking into the House of Representatives on Tuesday alongside Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., who invited him.

“Honored to have David Ellison as my guest to POTUS’ State of the Union address this evening,” Graham said in a post to X.

MIKE DAVIS: Kash Patel is restoring the FBI despite constant attacks

The one-year anniversary of FBI Director Kash Patel’s term has arrived. As a badge of honor, Patel is under constant attack by partisan Democrats and other conspiracy theorists – including even some whackjobs on the right. Contrary to these smears, Patel has boldly and decisively led back the FBI to where it should be: the premier law enforcement agency in the world.

Patel, after many long days of work to ensure our American athletes and dignitaries remained safe at the Olympic Games in Italy, got invited into the locker room of the men’s U.S. hockey team after their gold medal triumph over Canada. Because this was the first gold for the American men since the Miracle on Ice team in 1980, this became a significant moment. Patel, justifiably, allowed himself to enjoy the historic moment of American patriotism and pride. The athletes clearly enjoyed the presence of a senior U.S. official (and fellow hockey player), which became even more significant when Patel called President Donald Trump to praise the gold medal-winning U.S. team.

Democrats, who are quicker to defend a sitting Democratic U.S. senator splitting margaritas with an alleged human-trafficking and wife-beating illegal immigrant than a senior U.S. government official celebrating a U.S. gold medal with American Olympians, predictably attacked Patel for his appearance in the postgame locker room. To anyone with a pulse, it’s obvious too many of today’s Democrats are nothing more than dreadful, anti-American Marxist losers. It’s hard to imagine anything lower than knocking a senior U.S. official for celebrating an iconic U.S. victory at the Olympics.

In response to the Patel (and America) haters, this is a good time to educate America about Trump FBI Director Kash Patel’s unprecedented success in his first year.

On Sept. 10, 2025, a degenerate assassinated Charlie Kirk. Thousands of Americans attended the event on the Utah campus. The FBI, under Patel’s leadership, took command. Within two days, law enforcement took into custody 22-year-old Tyler Robinson. His father turned Robinson in after the Patel FBI broadcast images, cultivated from many sources of video surveillance, to the public. Robinson now awaits the swift justice he richly deserves. Despite the ravings of online conspiracy instigators, there are almost no unanswered questions in the Kirk case, thanks to Patel’s quick and decisive leadership.

Venezuelan dictator Nicolas Maduro became a primary culprit in the mass importation of illicit drugs into the United States. Last month, the Patel FBI — with the assistance of military special forces — arrested Maduro and his wife at their fortress in Caracas. U.S. forces quickly scooped up the Maduros and took them out of Venezuela with no American casualties. They now sit in a Brooklyn jail. They faced a 2020 federal indictment but remained free for the entirety of the Biden administration. This operation adds to Patel’s record of over 2,100 kilos of fentanyl seized (up 31%), enough to kill 150 million Americans, and the disruption of 1,800 gangs and criminal enterprises, a 210% increase year over year.

The FBI’s Ten Most Wanted list represents the worst of the worst in terms of fugitives. Murderers, pedophiles, drug kingpins and terrorists make up most of its occupants. Under Patel’s leadership, six of the Ten Most Wanted, collectively on the run for over 50 years, are now captured, which exceeds in one year all such captures during the Biden administration (four in four years). Drug traffickers like Ryan Wedding, a former Canadian Olympian who made the list, garner a lot of media attention when captured, but other barbarians are off the streets thanks to Patel’s leadership.

FBI DIRECTOR KASH PATEL: WE HAVE MADE AMERICA SAFER IN JUST ONE YEAR

Just last month, Alejandro Rosales Castillo’s turn came to face justice. This coward hid in Mexico for nearly a decade after murdering a 23-year-old co-worker in Charlotte, North Carolina. Cindy Rodriguez Singh, another monster, met the same fate. Singh allegedly murdered her 5-year-old child and fled to India. Thanks to Patel’s FBI, she was captured in New Delhi less than two months after her addition to the list. Overall, arrests under Patel’s FBI are up 197% year-to-year, and over 6,000 child victims have been located, a 22% increase year over year. Dedicated “crimes against children” operations like Restore Justice, Enduring Justice and Relentless Justice resulted in 730 arrests and over 450 victims identified.

For years, the domestic terrorists who comprise Antifa have wreaked havoc on American cities. On July 4, 2025, two dozen of them allegedly attacked the Prairieland Detention Center, an ICE holding facility in Alvarado, Texas. The domestic terrorists allegedly fired upon ICE agents, and a responding police officer almost lost his life after one terrorist allegedly shot him in the neck.

It is crucial to remember into what the FBI had degenerated during the Biden administration. The Biden DOJ wasted massive FBI resources for years hunting down every individual who had taken a selfie in the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, even if the individuals had not acted violently. Other FBI resources went toward investigating parents at school board meetings and Mass-attending Catholics out of supposed concerns the parents and devout Catholics became domestic terrorists.

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Biden special counsel Jack Smith spent over $50 million in an ultimately unsuccessful effort to imprison President Trump. Prosecutors use law enforcement to conduct investigations, and Smith had the FBI at his disposal. Even before Smith’s arrival in November 2022, the FBI had raided President Trump’s home at Mar-a-Lago under orders from Biden Attorney General Merrick Garland.

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No longer is the FBI wasting its resources. Under Patel’s leadership, agents are not targeting pro-life Christians; they are capturing foreign drug kingpins and narco-terrorist leaders. Agents are not investigating parents at school board meetings; they are bringing to justice parents who murdered their children. Agents are not wasting years on January 6; they are spending time bringing violent Antifa domestic terrorists to justice and capturing assassination suspects like Tyler Robinson in short order. Agents are not participating in Jack Smith’s witch hunt; they are investigating the perpetrators of the unprecedented, republic-ending Obama and Biden lawfare.

Special operations and surge initiatives, like Summer Heat, have resulted in nearly 9,000 arrests in just three months, while over 450 human traffickers have been identified (up 23% year over year), and espionage arrests are up 35% year over year. Patel has led a rapid turnaround of the FBI from a decaying and weaponized agency back to the one that, growing up, Americans respected. For that, Patel deserves immense credit.

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LEE CARTER: Trump’s State of the Union wasn’t a pivot — it was a power play

If you tuned in last night hoping for a softer, more conciliatory Donald Trump, a president shaped by polls, eager to reach across the aisle, you were watching the wrong show.

The 2026 State of the Union wasn’t a pivot. It was a power move. A flex. A signal that the old rules: measured rhetoric, polite bipartisanship — are dead. Trump continues to write new rules in real time, as audaciously as he’s writing everything else.

From the opening line, a “speech to set the record straight,” Trump made it clear: he wasn’t there to negotiate facts. He was there to define them. He understands something that confounds his opponents: in contemporary American politics, a good story doesn’t just compete with statistics, it obliterates them.

While critics were fact-checking, Trump was storytelling. And in today’s politics, a story like his can outweigh nuance or evidence.

He delivered a narrative so simple, so emotionally resonant, it could fit on a bumper sticker: America is in a golden age. The economy is roaring. The border is impenetrable. Crime is plummeting. Fentanyl is down. The stock market is shattering records. More Americans are working than ever before.

“We are winning so much we don’t even know what to do about it,” he crowed.

That wasn’t persuasion. It was affirmation. It was focused on the faithful. In a country this fractured, politicians are hard-pressed to win converts anymore, but they can energize their base and give fence sitters a reason to support them. Trump abandoned the moderation game years ago. He’s all-in on mobilization, and he’s playing to win a turnout war, not a debate.

TRUMP’S ‘HOME RUN’ SOTU SPEECH SPARKS PRAISE FROM CONSERVATIVES ONLINE WHILE LEAVING DEMOCRATS SEETHING

A Theme That Resonates: Protection

Forget the orthodoxy about growth and prosperity. And, interestingly, forget about affordability.  Strip away the applause lines and the theatrics and one word drove the speech: protection.

Protect the border.

Protect American workers.

Protect Social Security.

Protect families from crushing healthcare costs.

Protect children’s financial futures through tax-free investment accounts.

Protect consumers from “wild prescription drug prices.”

TRUMP CELEBRATES ‘TURNAROUND FOR THE AGES’ IN STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS AND MORE TOP HEADLINES

Even “no tax on tips, overtime, or Social Security” isn’t just tax policy — it’s framed as shielding working Americans from government overreach.

For many, protection is more important than prosperity. Prosperity is aspirational. Protection is emotional. When Democrats sat stone-faced during key applause lines focused on protecting Americans, Trump didn’t flinch. He smiled. Those frozen faces weren’t distractions; they were props. The visual of one side celebrating protection and the other sitting still is not accidental, it’s strategic.

Healthcare: The Night’s Smartest Move

DIAL SHOWS HOW VOTERS REACTED TO TRUMP CRITICIZING DEMOCRATS FOR PARTIAL GOVERNMENT SHUTDOWN

One of the speech’s most politically sophisticated moves came on healthcare.

Trump didn’t defend insurers or pharmaceutical companies. He obliterated them.

He blamed “crushing healthcare costs.”

He declared “maximum price transparency” a governing principle.

He revived the “most favored nation” promise, that Americans should pay the lowest drug prices on the planet.

5 UNFORGETTABLE MOMENTS FROM TRUMP’S RECORD-BREAKING STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS

Then he pulled a punch: he blamed Democrats for defending the “healthcare establishment.”

Healthcare anger isn’t partisan. Voters think the system is rigged. By transforming insurers and “wild prescription prices” into common enemies, he tapped into genuine, bipartisan fury while keeping the partisan accountability laser-focused on the other side.

The Rally Presidency: The Theater Was a Big Part of the Message

The U.S. men’s hockey team appearance. The goalie story.

The families honored. 

The medals given.

The perfectly timed applause lines.

The calculated glances across the aisle.

This was less State of the Union, more arena rally with a teleprompter. But dismissing it as theatrics misses the point. The theater is the message.

Trump understands the visual theatrics of politics in a way that most presidents never quite master. The standing ovation. The stony opposition. The camera that cuts away at precisely the right moment. He doesn’t waste imagery; he weaponizes it.

And those images, not the fact-checks that will follow, will echo through screens, social feeds and campaign ads for months to come.

Intensity Over Conversion

Moderation? Outreach? Forget it. That is not Trump. It wouldn’t be authentic. And frankly, it wouldn’t be strategic. Trump’s goal is mobilization. Turnout over persuasion. Base over critics. Swing voters over skeptics.

The anxious voter, the voter worried about inflation, crime, drugs, borders, saw in Trump a fighter who was ready to defend them. The speech energized the base while signaling to swing voters that Trump is taking action on the issues that affect them directly.

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The Bottom Line

This speech will enrage critics, electrify supporters, and frustrate fact-checkers. But strategically? We can all see what he was doing.

He reframed healthcare.

He reinforced protection.

He amplified economic confidence.

He created visual contrast.

He rallied his base.

 This wasn’t a pivot.

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It was a power play (every pun intended).

And in American politics, whoever controls the narrative controls the moment.

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President Trump’s Iran warning is serious — but Americans need the full facts

Last summer, when the United States and Israel struck Iran’s nuclear facilities, I argued the operation was deliberate — not reckless. The June 2025 strikes on Natanz, Fordow and Isfahan were designed to deny Tehran a near-term breakout capability and restore deterrence without plunging America into another open-ended Middle East war.

The purpose was clear: disrupt the program, buy time and strengthen Washington’s leverage.

Subsequent intelligence reporting suggested the damage was significant, though not permanent. Iran’s nuclear program was set back — not eliminated. That distinction mattered then, and it matters even more now.

Today, we find ourselves at another critical moment.

President Donald Trump has surged substantial American military power into the Persian Gulf — carrier strike groups, fighter aircraft and support assets — amid renewed nuclear tensions. This is not symbolic. It is a serious deterrent posture designed to protect American forces and signal resolve to Tehran.

That buildup is legitimate. It reinforces credibility. It reduces the risk of miscalculation.

But alongside this posture, we are now hearing dramatic claims that Iran could be “about a week away” from producing weapons-grade uranium.

US POSITIONS AIRCRAFT CARRIERS, STRIKE PLATFORMS ACROSS MIDDLE EAST AS IRAN TALKS SHIFT TO OMAN

Americans deserve clarity about what that statement means.

Enrichment levels and a deployable nuclear weapon are not the same thing. Moving uranium from 60% enrichment to 90% weapons-grade material is technically faster than enriching from scratch. But building a usable nuclear weapon requires additional steps: weaponization work, warhead integration, testing and a viable delivery system.

Language suggesting Iran is ‘one week away’ narrows the political space between deterrence and kinetic action. It conditions the public for urgency. It compresses timelines. And it risks turning technical possibilities into perceived inevitability.

The International Atomic Energy Agency, or IAEA, has confirmed that Iran possesses uranium enriched to roughly 60% — a deeply troubling development. But there has been no public confirmation that Tehran has assembled a nuclear device or crossed into verified weaponization.

AYATOLLAH’S ARSENAL VS. AMERICAN FIREPOWER: IRAN’S TOP 4 THREATS AND HOW WE FIGHT BACK

That distinction is not academic. It is strategic.

We have lived through what happens when worst-case intelligence assessments harden into political certainty. In 2003, the United States invaded Iraq based on assessments that Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction. Those claims proved wrong. The consequences cost thousands of American lives and reshaped U.S. foreign policy for a generation.

No one should casually invoke that parallel. But neither should we ignore it.

FORMER REP MTG ASSERTS THAT AMERICANS DON’T WANT US WAR AGAINST IRAN

If Iran has restored enrichment cascades beyond what was damaged in 2025, present the evidence.

If inspectors have been restricted or expelled, say so.

If weaponization activity has resumed, show the proof.

PRESIDENT TRUMP’S IRAN BUILDUP MIRRORS 2003 IRAQ WAR SCALE AS TENSIONS ESCALATE

So far, what we see publicly is enrichment risk — not confirmed bomb production.

That does not make Tehran benign. Iran’s enrichment levels are dangerous. Its ballistic missile expansion and proxy network destabilize the region. The regime continues to challenge U.S. interests and those of our allies.

Deterrence must be credible.

KHANNA AND MASSIE THREATEN TO FORCE A VOTE ON IRAN AS PROSPECT OF US ATTACK LOOMS

President Trump is right to position strength in the Gulf. This force posture protects American troops and sends a message that the United States will not tolerate aggression. Strategic ambiguity can serve a purpose in diplomacy.

But language suggesting Iran is “one week away” narrows the political space between deterrence and kinetic action.

It conditions the public for urgency. It compresses timelines. And it risks turning technical possibilities into perceived inevitability.

ISRAELIS KEEP SUITCASES PACKED AND READY AS TRUMP WEIGHS POTENTIAL IRAN STRIKE DECISION

If the administration believes Iran is sprinting toward a nuclear weapon, the American people deserve a clear, direct explanation from the president himself — backed by corroborated intelligence and shared with Congress.

No spin.

No anonymous leaks shaping public perception.

MORNING GLORY: WHAT WILL PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP DECIDE TO DO WITH IRAN?

No vague alarm substituting for documented facts.

The United States can strike if necessary. It has done so before. But military action must be grounded in verifiable intelligence and a defined strategic objective — not rhetorical escalation.

Another Middle East war would not be surgical or isolated. It would ripple across Lebanon, Iraq, Syria, the Gulf and global energy markets. It would strengthen hardliners in Tehran and test American alliances at a volatile moment.

TRUMP SAYS IRAN HAS 15 DAYS TO REACH A DEAL OR FACE ‘UNFORTUNATE’ OUTCOME

That does not mean force should never be used.

It means the threshold must be high — and the evidence must be clear.

The American people will support strong action when the threat is real and unmistakable. They will not support another war built on ambiguous timelines and worst-case projections.

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We do not need another Middle East war.

And we certainly do not need another weapons-of-mass-destruction myth.

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If force becomes necessary, the justification must come clearly and directly from the commander in chief — backed by hard intelligence, not alarm.

That is the standard Americans deserve.

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The white-collar office ecosystem is being rewritten by AI — Here’s how we win

For the better part of two centuries, Americans have lived by a simple economic truth: progress disrupts. The steam engine displaced artisans. Electricity remade factories. The assembly line reduced the need for skilled craftsmen even as it made goods affordable to the masses. The computer automated clerical work. The internet hollowed out entire industries, including travel agencies, record stores and video rental outlets.

And each time, the sky was said to be falling.

Now comes generative artificial intelligence: tools that can draft contracts, write code, analyze medical scans, generate marketing campaigns and tutor students. The anxiety feels different this time. Louder. More personal.

That’s because it is.

For decades, the brunt of technological change and globalization fell disproportionately on blue-collar workers. The Industrial Revolution transformed agricultural and manual labor. Late-20th-century outsourcing and automation eroded manufacturing towns across the Midwest. Global supply chains lowered costs for consumers, often at the expense of factory workers and entire communities.

The professional class — lawyers, consultants, academics, journalists, doctors, bankers, architects, designers, accountants — largely watched from a safe distance. They were the “knowledge workers,” beneficiaries of the information economy. Their jobs required education, credentials and cognitive skills. Those traits were supposed to provide insulation from disruption.

Generative AI has shattered that assumption.

DEMOCRATS ARE LOSING AI BECAUSE OF A BIG MESSAGING PROBLEM

For the first time in modern economic history, the most highly educated workers find themselves squarely in the blast radius of automation. Software drafts legal briefs. AI copilots write and debug code. Language models generate polished essays and emails in seconds. Image generators design logos and marketing collateral without a design degree.

This isn’t just another productivity tool. It’s a general-purpose technology, like electricity or the internet, touching nearly every sector at once. And it’s moving at a speed that makes previous revolutions look slow by comparison.

That pace is unsettling. But it is not a reason to retreat.

TRUMP’S SCIENCE AND TECH MAN LAYS OUT WHITE HOUSE’S GLOBAL AI STRATEGY

Economist Joseph Schumpeter called this process “creative destruction” — innovation dismantling old industries to make room for new ones. It is not painless. But it is the engine of prosperity in a dynamic economy. America’s global leadership has always depended on our willingness to lean into change rather than legislate it away.

What makes this moment feel volatile is not merely the scope of change, but who it affects. Disruption has reached the offices, not just the factory floor. It is threatening the comfortable as well as the vulnerable.

That discomfort is understandable. It is also clarifying.

ELON MUSK SAYS YOU CAN SKIP RETIREMENT SAVINGS IN THE AGE OF AI. NOT SO FAST

When automation came for blue-collar America, many in the professional class invoked “market forces.” When globalization decimated manufacturing jobs, workers were told to retrain for the knowledge economy.

Now the knowledge economy itself is being redefined.

The answer remains the same: adaptation.

The workers who will thrive in the AI era will not be those who reject or defer to these tools, but those who master them. Generative AI is not a replacement for human intelligence. It is an amplifier.

It drafts the first version; judgment refines it.

It generates code; humans decide what to build.

It analyzes mountains of data; people determine what matters.

In medicine, AI flags anomalies, but doctors interpret them and treat patients. In law, AI summarizes case law, but attorneys craft the argument. In education, AI accelerates knowledge, but teachers shape character and curiosity.

The winners will treat AI as augmentation, not competition.

AI RAISES THE STAKES FOR NATIONAL SECURITY. HERE’S HOW TO GET IT RIGHT

There is a reason for optimism here. Generative AI democratizes capabilities once scarce. A small business owner can generate marketing copy without hiring an agency. A startup founder can prototype software without a massive engineering team. A student in a rural district can access high-quality tutoring on demand.

Yes, some jobs will disappear. Some roles will evolve. Entire workflows will be redesigned. That has always been true during periods of rapid technological advancement.

New categories of work will emerge: AI trainers, model auditors, human-AI workflow designers, data curators, governance specialists and roles we cannot yet imagine.

PALANTIR’S SHYAM SANKAR: HERE’S WHAT EXECUTIVE AND LEADERS USING AI SHOULD DO

The question is not whether change is coming. It is whether America will shape it, or allow others to.

Other nations are racing to lead in artificial intelligence. China, in particular, views AI not only as an economic engine but as a strategic asset. Authoritarian systems will deploy these tools at scale.

The United States became the world’s most dynamic economy not by freezing innovation, but by channeling it. We do not win by retreating from technology. We win by leveraging technology more effectively than anyone else.

THE NEW ARMS RACE IS FOR COMPUTE — AND AMERICA CAN’T AFFORD TO FALL BEHIND

There is a profound opportunity embedded in this shift. With AI tools, individuals can accomplish far more than they could on their own. Productivity will rise not because humans matter less, but because they can do more. The advantage will belong to those who are flexible, adaptable and highly skilled at using tools to amplify their own effectiveness.

The transition will require serious investment in education and workforce development. It will demand humility from institutions that assumed credentials guaranteed security. And it will require policymakers to balance innovation with sensible safeguards.

But the proper response to disruption is not nostalgia. It is preparation.

The Industrial Revolution raised living standards. The computer age created industries employing millions. The internet unlocked global commerce and communication. None of those transitions were smooth. All expanded opportunity.

Generative AI is the next chapter in that American story.

The most resilient individuals and companies will not ask how to preserve yesterday’s job descriptions. They will ask how to combine human intelligence with machine capability to produce better outcomes, faster and at lower cost.

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That is not artificial intelligence.

That is augmented human intelligence.

That is not decline.

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That is renewal.

The age of augmentation has arrived. Let’s meet it the way Americans always have: with confidence, hard work and faith in our ability to build what comes next.

LIZ PEEK: America expected one thing from Trump’s State of the Union. It got another

Call me crazy, but I loved President Trump’s State of the Union speech.

Yes, it was long — the longest in at least 60 years — but it was also entertaining. It was optimistic, positive and hopeful about America’s future. Right off the bat, on Tuesday night, Trump introduced the U.S. men’s Olympic hockey team, and though they didn’t lead the chamber in singing the national anthem (my secret hope), they did show off their gold medals to thunderous applause and shouts of “U-S-A! U-S-A!” That set the celebratory and triumphant tone of the evening.

Trump did not appear to be a president under siege, struggling with sagging approval ratings; far from it. He was at his best; he was relaxed, at times funny, and appropriately incredulous at the smallness and absurdity of his Democratic opponents. My guess is that he gets a much-needed bounce from this performance — not only because of his likable delivery, but also because he reviewed the enormous number of accomplishments that he and his Cabinet have racked up in a single year.

As important, he avoided picking a fight with the Supreme Court, which could easily have soured the mood. He described the Supreme Court’s ruling declaring his tariffs illegal as “disappointing” and “unfortunate,” but then moved on, talking up the importance of tariffs in leveling the playing field for U.S. firms and in attracting trillions of dollars of investment into the United States.

He also packed the gallery with a crowd of sympathetic and admirable people whose lives and experiences not only served to demonstrate the policies he touted but also inspired the audience.

Who could fail to applaud the children who are surviving grievous injuries, or the pilot wounded during the extraction of Venezuela’s illegitimate president, Nicolás Maduro, who managed to carry out the mission and was then awarded the Medal of Honor? Or the National Guardsman shot in the head who is recovering against all odds? The stories are heartwarming and incorporate much that is exceptional about the United States — the bravery, sacrifice and patriotism that characterize so many heroes.

President Trump’s most important mission was to remind people that President Joe Biden left behind a mess and that he is working to fix it.

President Trump’s most important mission was to remind people that President Joe Biden left behind a mess and that he is working to fix it. Trump inherited from Biden an economy dependent on gigantic federal spending, an open border unprotected from a rush of criminals who flooded in among the millions who entered illegally, and prices that soared more than 20% in four short years.

TRUMP HAILS ‘TURNAROUND FOR THE AGES’ IN RECORD-LONG SOTU PACKED WITH WINS AND WARNINGS

A massive influx of undocumented migrants poured into cities like New York, causing chaos, crime and rising budget headaches as the public had to foot the bill for migrants receiving taxpayer-funded healthcare, education and housing. Those problems are ongoing, despite Trump’s efforts to deport the criminals who are also making our cities unsafe. In his speech, he called upon Congress to outlaw sanctuary cities. It won’t happen, but it should.

Trump ran on closing the border; today it is more secure than ever. As he reminded voters, if Democrats return to power, they will reverse his efforts.

As is customary, Trump cataloged his greatest hits. He celebrated the “one big beautiful bill,” which he said contained the biggest tax cuts in U.S. history, including reduced taxes on tips, overtime and Social Security. (He introduced a couple from Pennsylvania who are saving over $5,000 per year from the bill.) Trump also touted his efforts to bring down prescription drug prices, to make IVF more affordable — and sympathetically introduced a young woman trying to become a mom — and to establish price transparency in healthcare.

TRUMP TAKES DIRECT SOTU SWIPE AT DEMOCRATS OVER TAXES: ‘TO HURT THE PEOPLE’

He touted the “Trump Accounts” for young children, which he said could help them get a running start in life, and called out computer innovator Michael Dell and his wife, Susan, for contributing more than $6 billion to the program.

He also talked up his plan to make tech companies operating data centers pay for the copious electricity those projects require. Electricity prices have soared across the country, thanks in large part to what he described as reckless energy policies put in place by climate-focused Democrats. Trump is trying to fix that.

Another plan to increase affordability is his recent executive order banning large Wall Street financial firms from buying up homes. At the margin, this may help, as will lower mortgage rates. Such initiatives are meant to reduce the cost of living, which is likely to play a large role in the midterm elections.

The president and his team are also focusing on rooting out welfare fraud, which he said is rampant. Trump said that eliminating theft of taxpayer dollars could eliminate the deficit. It won’t, but it can surely help. Even Joe Biden’s Government Accountability Office said the country was losing hundreds of billions of dollars every year to fraud and theft; the Biden White House ignored the problem, but the Trump White House is addressing it.

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The theft of billions of dollars in welfare payments in Minnesota by primarily Somali criminals became an overnight political liability for Democratic Gov. Tim Walz and other state officials who, at best, ignored the problem. Trump has designated Vice President JD Vance to lead the fraud investigation; you can be sure that Democrat-run states like California and New York will be in the crosshairs.

It was a good night for the president; it was a bad night for Democrats. Over 70 Democrats shamefully boycotted the speech, which only made their dour presence less impactful. 

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President Trump more than once called out Democrats, in some cases, for opposing popular items like tax cuts and voter ID laws. He also berated them for supporting unpopular measures like gender reassignment of minors without parental approval. As he introduced a family whose daughter had experienced that misfortune, he waved his hand at Democrats, saying, “These people are crazy.” Most would agree.

President Trump got the message: He needs to make life more affordable. Now he has to follow through. After Tuesday night, the country knows he is working at it.

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