European Union officials are taking a two-part approach to President Trump’s unfolding trade war, offering to slash tariffs on American-made cars and industrial products even as they prepare to retaliate imminently with wide-ranging levies.

Ursula von der Leyen, president of the E.U.’s executive branch, said on Monday that the 27-nation bloc would be willing to employ a “zero-for-zero” approach on products including cars, eliminating tariffs on the goods if the United States did the same. E.U. car tariffs are currently set at 10 percent.

But at the same time, both she and the E.U. trade commissioner, Maros Sefcovic, made it clear that European officials were preparing to deploy tariffs and, potentially, other trade barriers to hit back at the United States if the two sides could not reach a deal. Those tariffs are set to begin within days.

European Union officials circulated on Monday evening in Brussels a list of products that they plan to hit with retaliatory tariffs, said Olof Gill, trade spokesman for the European Commission, the bloc’s executive branch. Representatives from across the bloc’s member states are expected to vote on that list on Wednesday. If approved, the fresh tariffs would take force in two waves — one on April 15, the second a month later.

Officials did not immediately make the list public.

The tariffs would mark the E.U.’s first concrete reaction to Mr. Trump’s volley of recent trade measures. They would specifically respond to U.S. steel and aluminum tariffs that took effect in mid-March, and officials have said they would be only a first step. European policymakers are contemplating how to react to Mr. Trump’s subsequent moves, including his 25 percent tariffs on automobiles and the 20 percent across-the-board tariff on E.U. goods that he announced last week.

The bloc’s first set of retaliatory tariffs was expected to be sweeping, though somewhat dialed back from what was originally planned.

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The Palestine Red Crescent Society on Monday gave new details of the Israeli attack on its paramedics and other emergency responders in the Gaza Strip that killed at least 15 people last month, saying Israeli forces had targeted them in a “series of deliberate attacks.”

Speaking at a news conference in the West Bank, Red Crescent officials said Israeli troops shot at the rescue workers in waves over a two-hour period before dawn on March 23. They termed the killings “a full-fledged war crime” and called on the United Nations Security Council and the international community to demand accountability and an independent investigation.

The Israeli military, which has admitted to killing the 15 men, said on Monday that a “preliminary inquiry indicated that the troops opened fire due to a perceived threat following a previous encounter in the area,” and it would continue investigating. It said that six of those killed “were identified as Hamas terrorists,” but cited no evidence.

The Red Crescent and the United Nations have said that the dead were unarmed aid workers who posed no threat. They said the men were wearing their uniforms and riding in clearly marked emergency vehicles, flashing their emergency lights.

An Israeli military official who briefed reporters on the incident on Saturday declined to say whether the men were armed.

Also on Monday, an Israeli strike near a hospital in southern Gaza killed two people, including a journalist for the Palestine Today news agency, bringing the number of Palestinian journalists killed in the war to 210, Gaza’s government press office said. It said the strike also wounded nine journalists, including Hassan Aslih, well-known for documenting the war for hundreds of thousands of social media followers.

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Seven days after an earthquake devastated Turkey in 2023, French volunteers used a suitcase-size radar to locate a survivor under the rubble. It was one of many lives the device helped save in the aftermath of the disaster.

The group also rushed volunteers to Myanmar after a powerful earthquake last month leveled buildings, bridge and centuries-old temples. But the volunteers were stuck at immigration control at the airport in Yangon for more than a day. They finally entered the country last Wednesday, only to have the authorities declare search and rescue operations ending the next day. The volunteers returned home without finding a single survivor.

Myanmar’s military government surprised many observers when it called for international assistance in response to the March 28 earthquake. It also declared a cease-fire against rebels in a civil war that has consumed the nation.

But less than two weeks after the calamity hit, aid groups and volunteers said, international relief is not reaching Myanmar’s beleaguered public as fast as it could. They blame the junta for delays and restrictions on distributing aid. Others cite a climate of fear — the military has resumed airstrikes on rebel areas despite the cease-fire and on at least one occasion fired on aid workers.

“Nothing was reasonable on the ground,” said Sezer Ozgan, a volunteer with the French nonprofit L’Espoir du peuple A.R.S.I.

Already ravaged by war, Myanmar continues to reel from the earthquake, which people have been calling “earth’s anger.” The official death toll has surpassed 3,500 and many more have been injured. But the full extent of the devastation remains hard to assess because of damaged roads and toppled phone towers.

Many rendered homeless and those too scared to return to their damaged houses are sleeping in the open. They are being rattled by regular aftershocks in the suffocating pre-monsoon heat, and have to line up for daily rations provided by local aid groups.

One reason for the delay in bringing in aid is that the government itself is in disarray, with many buildings in the capital, Naypyidaw, damaged.

But the military’s announcement that all assistance would be coordinated by it has left aid groups jittery. Relief organizations have long been subject to a fickle process of obtaining travel authorizations.

A year after seizing power in 2021, the junta almost entirely drained a disaster management fund by redirecting it for agriculture initiatives.

When Cyclone Nargis killed more than 130,000 people in 2008, an earlier coterie of ruling generals blocked emergency aid and infamously told aid groups that the survivors did not need their “chocolate bars” and could instead survive on “frogs and fish from ditches.”

Ruled by one brutal military regime after another for decades, the people of Myanmar are quick to support one another. But for local volunteers, fear hangs in the air as much as grief.

Phoe Thar, a volunteer rescue worker in Mandalay, said he was working less at night after hearing that an acquaintance had been forcibly drafted by the military. “We want to help more,” he said, “but fear is holding us back.”

Equality Myanmar, a human rights organization, said it had tracked almost 100 cases of forced conscription since the earthquake, calling the disaster an opportunity for the military to recruit troops.

Kiran Verma, a volunteer from India, said he was delayed for hours with local volunteers at a military checkpoint the day after the earthquake. He said he left after three days in the quake zone, feeling “scared.”

“I thought they would be welcoming anyone coming to rescue their people,” Mr. Verma, 40, said.

To some critics, the military itself could be doing more to help.

Ko Min Htet, a volunteer in Mandalay, said he had seen only few soldiers clearing bricks from public buildings. They should focus instead on helping people, he said: “Some soldiers and police sit at damaged sites, scrolling on their phones.”

Some would-be volunteers are afraid to return to cities like Mandalay and Yangon, which suffered the worst of the earthquake.

“We’re longing to be on the ground, to offer whatever help we can,” said Min Han, a physician who fled to rebel held territory after the coup, refusing to work as a civil servant under the junta. “But returning now would be like walking straight into a trap — we could be arrested or killed.”

The junta’s motives are clear, said Richard Horsey, an analyst with the International Crisis Group.

“Their first priority is regime survival,” he said, “not the well-being of the country and its people.” At the same time, he said, the junta’s response to the earthquake is marked by “chaos rather than malice.”

Lynn Maung was sheltering in a tent with his three children near the moat of the historic Mandalay Palace. On Saturday, he was taken by surprise when torrential rains and winds swept the tent away. There had been no weather warning.

“We can’t predict earthquakes, but we can predict rainfall,” he said. “The way the military junta is handling things is like trying to treat a cancer patient with castor oil.”

China’s leaders have sent a clear message about the effects of the Trump administration’s sweeping tariffs: Things will be painful, but it is nothing that the country cannot handle.

A commentary on Sunday in the Communist Party mouthpiece, the People’s Daily, said Beijing had prepared for a trade war with the United States and that China could potentially come out stronger as a result.

“The abuse of tariffs by the United States will have an impact on China, but ‘the sky will not fall,’” it said. “China is a super economy. We are strong and resilient in the face of the U.S. tariff bullying.”

The commentary highlighted how China hopes to position itself as the tariffs cause growing economic disruption. It wants to be seen as a responsible champion of fair trade that is too powerful to succumb to U.S. pressure.

China also sought to project solidarity with other nations targeted by U.S. tariffs in another state media commentary on Sunday.

In that piece, China accused the United States of trying to “subvert the existing international economic and trade order” by putting “U.S. interests above the common good of the international community.” Washington was also advancing “U.S. hegemonic ambitions at the cost of the legitimate interests of all countries,” it said.

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The Trump administration’s decision over the weekend to revoke visas for all South Sudanese passport holders has added to the mounting political and humanitarian challenges of a country on the brink of civil war, officials and observers said on Monday.

Tensions between the two political leaders of South Sudan have escalated in recent weeks, especially after the authorities put the vice president under house arrest in late March. Millions of people are also facing hunger, displacement and disease as violence intensifies and the United States cuts aid.

Observers say the sweeping visa ban shows how Washington is retreating from South Sudan — a nation the United States helped bring into existence nearly 15 years ago — at a time of immense need.

“A massive storm is forming over South Sudan, and the visa ban only adds to the anxiety people have about all that could go wrong,” said Daniel Akech, the senior South Sudan analyst at the International Crisis Group, a nonprofit organization.

On Saturday, Secretary of State Marco Rubio said he was revoking visas for South Sudanese nationals and preventing any more from entering the United States. The deputy secretary of state, Christopher Landau, said on social media that South Sudan had refused to accept the repatriation of one of its nationals.

The Trump administration has not said whether it would seek to deport South Sudanese nationals whose visas had been revoked. South Sudan’s government has not responded to the announcement of the visa ban, and a government spokesman did not respond to requests for comment.

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President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia congratulated the hockey player Alex Ovechkin on Monday for breaking the N.H.L.’s goal-scoring record.

Mr. Ovechkin, 39, captain of the Washington Capitals, scored his 895th career goal on Sunday afternoon in a game against the New York Islanders. That broke a record set by Wayne Gretzky that had stood for 26 years.

In a statement on Monday, Mr. Putin praised Mr. Ovechkin, who started out as a professional hockey player in Moscow, for the “momentous achievement” that he called “a genuine cause for celebration for fans in Russia and beyond.”

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The Ukrainian Navy patrol boat zipped across the Black Sea, its double-barreled, 25-millimeter machine gun locked on the horizon. The enemy, Russia, was nowhere in sight, yet ever-present. In the command room, Captain Mykhailo and his crew scanned screens showing color-coded zones marking Russian mine-laden waters and red arrows tracking drones prowling the area.

The crew’s mission was to defend the waters off Odesa, Ukraine’s largest Black Sea port city, and keep them safe for commercial traffic. It has been grueling work — clearing Russian mines by day, shooting down drones by night — but after more than a year of patrols alongside other Ukrainian Navy vessels, they have succeeded.

The Russian Navy has been pushed far from Ukrainian shores, allowing Ukraine’s commercial shipping to rebound to near prewar levels. On Tuesday, the fruits of Captain Mykhailo’s efforts materialized on the horizon: the silhouette of a 740-foot, Panama-flagged ship gliding toward a Ukrainian port to be loaded with grain.

“Big ship. Nice,” said Captain Mykhailo, speaking on the condition that only his first name and rank be used, in keeping with Ukrainian military rules.

Kyiv and Moscow committed to a cease-fire on the Black Sea last month during separate U.S.-mediated talks, but Ukraine’s military and commercial achievements in those waters have led many in Odesa to ponder this question: Does Ukraine have anything to gain from such a truce?